நளவர் என்போர் இலங்கைத் தமிழ்ச் சமூகத்தில் உள்ள ஒரு சாதிப் பிரிவினர். இலங்கைத் தமிழ்ச் சமூகத்தில் உள்ள சாதிகள் பெருமளவுக்குத் தமிழ் நாட்டில் உள்ள சாதிகளோடு ஒத்திருந்தாலும், நளவர் என்னும் சாதியினர் இலங்கைத் தமிழ்ச் சமூகத்தில் மட்டும் காணப்படுகின்றனர். தீண்டத் தகாதவர்களாகக் கருதப்பட்ட இச்சாதியினர்[1] உயர் சாதியினரால் மிகவும் ஒடுக்கப்பட்டனர். இவர்கள் கல்வி கற்பதற்கும், கோவிலுக்குள் நுழைவதற்கும் அனுமதி மறுக்கப்பட்டது.[சான்று தேவை] மரபுவழியாக இவர்களுடைய தொழில் பனை ஏறுதலும், கள் இறக்குதலும் ஆகும். பிற்காலங்களில் வேளாண்மைக் கூலிவேலையிலும் இவர்கள் ஈடுபட்டனர். பள்ளர்,அம்பட்டர், பறையர், வண்ணார், நளவர் ஆகியோர் பஞ்சமர் என அழைக்கப்பட்டனர்.
நளவர்
நளவர் என்போர் இலங்கைத் தமிழ்ச் சமூகத்தில் உள்ள ஒரு சாதிப் பிரிவினர். இலங்கைத் தமிழ்ச் சமூகத்தில் உள்ள சாதிகள் பெருமளவுக்குத் தமிழ் நாட்டில் உள்ள சாதிகளோடு ஒத்திருந்தாலும், நளவர் என்னும் சாதியினர் இலங்கைத் தமிழ்ச் சமூகத்தில் மட்டும் காணப்படுகின்றனர். தீண்டத் தகாதவர்களாகக் கருதப்பட்ட இச்சாதியினர்[1] உயர் சாதியினரால் மிகவும் ஒடுக்கப்பட்டனர். இவர்கள் கல்வி கற்பதற்கும், கோவிலுக்குள் நுழைவதற்கும் அனுமதி மறுக்கப்பட்டது.[சான்று தேவை] மரபுவழியாக இவர்களுடைய தொழில் பனை ஏறுதலும், கள் இறக்குதலும் ஆகும். பிற்காலங்களில் வேளாண்மைக் கூலிவேலையிலும் இவர்கள் ஈடுபட்டனர். அம்பட்டர், பறையர், வண்ணார், நளவர் ஆகியோர் பஞ்சமர் என அழைக்கப்பட்டனர்.
இவர்கள் கல்வி கற்பதற்கும், கோவிலுக்குள் நுழைவதற்கும் அனுமதி மறுக்கப்பட்டது.[சான்று தேவை] மரபுவழியாக இவர்களுடைய தொழில் பனை ஏறுதலும், கள் இறக்குதலும் ஆகும். பிற்காலங்களில் வேளாண்மைக் கூலிவேலையிலும் இவர்கள் ஈடுபட்டனர். அம்பட்டர், பறையர், வண்ணார், நளவர் ஆகியோர் பஞ்சமர் என அழைக்கப்பட்டனர்.
தோற்றம்
தமிழ் நாட்டில் "நளவர்" என்னும் பெயரில் ஒரு சாதி இல்லை என்பதால், இச்சாதி இலங்கையிலேயே தோன்றியது என்ற கருத்து நிலவுகின்றது. யாழ்ப்பாண அரசுக் காலத்தில் வேளாண்மைக் கூலிகளாகத் தொழில் செய்வதற்காக சோழ நாட்டைச் சேர்ந்த பள்ளர் குடிகள் சிலர் யாழ்ப்பாணத்துக்கு வந்ததாகவும், நினைத்தபடி தொழில் அமையாததால் இவர்களிற் சிலர், சாணார் சாதியினரின் தொழிலான பனையேறும் தொழிலைப் பயின்று தொழில் புரிந்ததாகவும் சொல்லப்படுகிறது.[2] தமது வழமையான தொழிலில் இருந்து நழுவியதால் இவர்களுக்கு நளவர் எனப் பெயர் ஏற்பட்டதாகச் சில ஆய்வாளர்கள் கருதுகின்றனர்..
இதற்கு முதல் படியாக யாழ்ப்பாண நாடார்கள் ( நளவர்கள்) தங்களை சிறுபான்மை தமிழர்கள் என்று கூறிக்கொள்ளாமல் நாடார்கள் என்று கூறிக்கொள்ளலாம். அப்படி அவர்களின் அடையாளம் நாடார்கள் என்றாகிவிட்டால் அவர்கள் தமிழக நாடார்களோடு ஒரு உளவியல் அடையாளம் பெற்று விடுவார்கள் .
இது யாழ்ப்பாண வெள்ளாள ஆதிக்கத்தின் வறட்டு கௌரவத்தை ஓரளவாவது நிவர்த்தி செய்து விடும் என்று கருதுகிறேன் .
யாழ் நாடார் சமுகம் தமிழக நாடார் சமுகத்தின் ஒரு அங்கம் என்ற செய்தியை யாழ்ப்பாண உயர்குடிகளுக்கு அறிய தருவது காலத்தின் தேவை என்று கருதுகிறேன் . ஜாதி ஒரு நோய் என்பதில் சந்தேகம் இல்லை இலங்கையில் ஜாதி மெதுவாக அருகி கொண்டு வருகிறது என்பதுவும் உண்மை.நளவர் ஜாதி தான் தமிழ் நாட்டில் நாடார் என மாறியுள்ளது. நளவர் ஜாதியர் நாடார் சங்கத்தில் அங்கமாக உள்ளனர்.
Nalavar
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Nalavar
Nalavar also Nalava is a Sri Lankan Tamil caste of traditional agriculturalists and toddy tapers. But today they are found in all aspects of the society. They are part of a new amalgamation of castes in Jaffna peninsula called as Panchamar or Fives. They are Ambatar or barbers, Vannar or washers, Nallavar, Pallar and Parayar.
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Origins
It is a unique caste as one of the Tamil castes that is not found in Tamil Nadu (see Koviar). Some have assumed this to be due to indigenous development where as others have speculated that it is a Tamil social group that assumed independent identity in Sri Lanka. Those who assume an indigenous origin say that Nalavar are derived from a Sinhalese social group speculated to be Nilavo that was left behind during the ascendancy of the Jaffna Kingdom.
Historic condition
As a historically depressed social group, they were restricted to Jaffna peninsula and certain areas of Putalam and eastern Batticaloa region. They provided the bulk of the manual manpower required for cultivation and toddy tapping. There is anecdotal evidence that says they were held as bonded laborers if not as slaves by certain high caste families (see Vellalar) up until the practice was abolished by the British colonialists. They were not generally let into almost all main Hindu temples of the peninsula and were subjected to apartheid like separation from the upper caste society in all aspects of living such as schooling, shopping and medical treatment.
Current condition
After Sri Lanka’s independence from Britain in 1948, Sri Lankan Tamil politics was geared towards a nationalistic cause that did not take into account the emancipation and progress of its castes. Thus the improvements in social indicators came about with the advent of progressive forces in Colombo such as the election of Sinhala nationalistic but socialist oriented SLFP governments in Colombo. Schools and small scale industries were built that enabled the community to breakthrough the cultural shackles that had held it down for centuries.
The advent of the civil war since the Black July pogrom has retarded most of these gains and has made the community improvised again. Many have sort to escape the depravations my seeking refugees’ status in Europe and North America and are merging with the host population or the Tamil diaspora. Although lingering castist discrimination especially in marriages is still observed, in general they have been integrated as part of the migrant Tamil communities of all castes.Nalavar
(Tamil: நளவர், romanized: Naḷavar) is a
Tamil caste found in Sri Lanka. They were traditionally occupied in palm tree
climbing and toddy tapping.
According to a folk etymology
is the name Nalavar a corrupted form of Naluvinavar (those who decamped), which
they gained after withdrawing from a battle field. Another theory suggest the
name is derived from Nalua meaning to climb, in reference to their traditional
occupation.It has also been proposed that the name is derived from Naravar
(from Naravu, ancient Tamil term for toddy)]According to Yalpana Vaipava Malai
were the Nalavars originally called Nambis who originally Vanniar chieftains
and served as bowmen
A former subdivision
among them were known as Kottai Vayil Nalavar i.e. "Nalavars in service of
the fort".
Under the Dutch Ceylon was
the Thesavalamai law codified.[6] This law allowed landlords to have slaves,
and the Nalavars were also employed as agriculture labors, and were classified
along with the Pallar under the term Adimai (slave).The badge and cattle brand
mark of the Nalavars is the bow and arrow.
The Nalavar along with the
Pallar worship Annamar, their caste deity.
See also
- Durave Srilankan community speaks sinhala
Introduction / History
The Durava
people are a Sinhalese coastal caste primarily concentrated in the southern and
western regions of Sri Lanka. They speak Sinhala, the national language of Sri
Lanka. Historically, the Durava trace their origins to South India, migrating
between the 13th and 18th centuries. Many claim descent from ancient Naga
tribes and aristocratic families, and some traditions link them to royal
service as soldiers and elephant keepers.
During Portuguese colonial rule in the 16th century, a portion of the Durava
converted to Catholicism, though most later embraced Theravada Buddhism. They
played a significant role in the Buddhist revival during the British colonial
era and have been active in Sri Lankan politics and commerce.
Durava communities are largely urban and semi-urban, with concentrations in
Colombo, Galle, and Matara.
What Are Their Lives Like?
Many families
own coconut lands, and historically they were involved in toddy tapping, though
this association is now minimal and often rejected by the community. Today,
Durava people work in diverse fields such as agriculture, trade, government
service, and professional sectors. Education is highly valued, and younger
generations increasingly pursue higher education and white-collar jobs. Social
life is shaped by kinship networks and caste identity, though modern economic
mobility has softened traditional boundaries.
Origins
Sinhalese people claim Indian ethnic origins and are primarily engaged in agriculture. The presence of service type castes or Jatis like the Durave indicate a complex migration history from India to Sri Lanka.
Durave are part of the caste structure of the coastal Sinhalese with formerly limited regional spread specially in the southern part of the country. Today they are also entrepreneurs, professionals, agriculturists and workers throughout the country.
Many prominent lineages claim martial origins due to their service as soldiers and mercenaries from South India for Sinhalese kingdoms.
They were wrongly associated with Toddy tapping by the Portuguese colonial power. The fact that durawe caste owned large swathes of coconut lands in Matara & Galle districts could have contributed to this wrong assumption. In fact toddy tapping is not limited to a particular caste in Sri Lanka and many social researches done by eminent sociologists reveal the fact that toddy tapping is done by members of many castes including the Govigama caste. The durave caste is a land owning caste from time immemorial and was held in high esteem by the Sinhalese Kings due to their administrative skills. Further the durave caste members held high positions in the armies of the Sinhala kings and were noted for their bravery in wars.
Origin myths
The community connects itself with the tribes such as the Nagas and Yakkas of the country, retinue of Pandyan consorts of Sri Lankan kings as well as early aristocratic families. The royal connection could be derived from their role as mercenaries in Sinhala Kingdom days. Along with other coastal castes, they too have Ge or house names.
British Period
The creation of a powerful Mudaliyar class by the British in the 19th century, it’s restriction only to the Govigama caste, production of spurious caste hierarchy lists by this class and changes to the land tenure system, resulted in this caste too being placed next in line to the hierarchy during this period.
The influential Mudaliyar class attempted to keep this caste and all other Sri Lankan castes out of colonial appointments. They also used all possible means to economically and socially marginalise and subjugate all other communities. The oppression by the Mudaliars and connected headmen extended to demanding subservience, service and even restrictions on the type of personal names that could be used by this community.
Despite the above setbacks, several members of this caste emerged as successful entrepreneurs in the British colonial market economy and were recognised as members of the local elite. They were involved in the freedom movement and early political reforms.
Similarly, the Sri Lankan lawyer indicated
that
... the Duravas have historically belonged to
a lower caste but [have] shown a ... good performance in the economic
development of their activities. [An] article written by Michael Roberts,
"Elite Formation and Elites 1832-1931," explains how Low-Country
Singhalese achieved much greater success economically than the Kandyan
Singhalese (which is considered [to be] a higher caste than the Low-Country
Singhalese), even [pursuing] opportunities in the Kandyan districts. ... Thus
decisions on marriage will occur under considerations regarding not only plain
caste, but [also] family relations, education and money. Many Duravas later
joined the legal career and the judiciary. To express it in a simple way,
nowadays it will depend on the social and economic position rather than [on] simply
being a Durava (17 Aug. 2003).
This Response was prepared after researching
publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate
within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be,
conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
Please find below the list of additional sources consulted in researching this
Information Request.
References
1UpInfo. October 1988. "Caste Among the
Sinhalese." <http://www.1upinfo.com/country-guide-study/sri-lanka/sri-lanka68.html>
[Accessed 17 Sept. 2003]
Australian Journal of
Anthropology [Sydney].
1 December 2002. Vol. 13, No. 3. Rohan Bastin. "The Kitchen Spoon's
Handle: Transnationalism and Sri Lanka's Migrant Housemaids. (Book
Reviews)." (Dialog)
The Durava: Toddy tappers or
royalty?
by Asiff Hussein
The Durava community can boast of a long presence in Sri
Lanka which may date back to several centuries or even millennia if their
claims to Naga ancestry are to be taken seriously. Yet this largely coastal
population has had to struggle hard to debunk a myth perpetuated since
Portuguese times that they are toddy tappers, one which they believe lowers
them in the eyes of other men.
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The
Hastiya Maha Kodiya or great elephant flag of the Gajanayaka Nilame who is
believed to have been a prominent Durava official in the days of the
Sinhalese Kings. |
Spokesmen for the caste contend that they are descendants of
the long-lost Nagas, of royalty and aristocracy, of soldiers and elephanteers,
but certainly not tappers of toddy. In support of this they point out that only
a few Durava families today engage in the tapping of toddy in areas such as
Payagala and Kochchikade and that they are not the only caste who do so. They
also point out that the family name Madinage or House of the tapper is a rare
one among them when compared to other hereditary family names denoting military
occupations, literary activity, pastoral pursuits and so on. It is not
surprising then that this proud people have gone to great lengths to debunk
this myth. Mention here must be made of the Sri Lanka Durava Sangama, later the
Maha Saviya Padanama which was established in 1970 to safeguard Durava
interests. The society headed by a monk named Ananda Ahangama led a legal
campaign against the inclusion of Durava as 'toddy tappers' in the Prayogika
Sinhala Sabdakoshaya edited by Harischandra Wijetunga and published by the
Ministry of Cultural Affairs in 1982. This resulted in the ministry agreeing to
expunge the offensive words in all past, present and future publications of the
dictionary.
Naga Kings
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The
Adayalam Kodiya, the lion flag of the Durava indicating their long lost
military tradition |
The Nagas first find mention in an ancient Sinhalese chronicle,
the Dipavansa where it is stated that the Buddha visited the island to settle a
dispute between the two Naga kings Mahodara and Chulodara over a gem-set
throne. The Buddha is also said to have visited the Kalyani country where dwelt
the Naga King Maniakkhika and his retinue of Nagas. What became of this people
remains a mystery for they do not figure in the history of the country after
this period. Did such a race actually exist in the past or were they a figment
of the poet's imagination? The idea that the Durava are descended from the
Nagas of yore was first proposed by Hugh Nevill, the editor of the Taprobanian
in August 1887. Unfortunately Nevill did not elaborate on his theory.
It is possible however that he was influenced by the
elephanteer tradition of the Durava. In Pali, the language in which the
Dipavansa was written, the term Naga may signify a cobra, an elephant or an
ironwood tree (Messua Ferrea). For example, we find in the Dhammapada the
expression naga-vana ' a forest inhabited by elephants'. The Durava and the
elephant have had a long connection and it is not impossible that they were
termed Nagas on this account. Many are the hereditary Durava family names
relating to the elephant force and elephant-keeping. Thus we find Kuruvege, Kurunayakage,
Gajanayakage, Gajanayaka Muhandiramge, Nakande Nage and Nagasen Mutukumaranage.
The words Naga, Gaja and Kuru used here are synonymous terms and mean elephant.
The names Kurunayaka and Gajanayaka are particularly important as they denote
'Commander of the elephant force' or 'Superintendent of elephant affairs'.
Another important Durava name Nanayakkara could also be said
to mean 'Chief of the elephants'. Other hereditary Durava names connected to
the elephant include Alige, Kandege and Panikkalage. Be as it may, the
contentions of Nevill regarding the connection of the Durava to the Nagas have
been supported by a number of Durava scholars including James Bastian Perera,
the author of the Nitiratnavali (1914), Richard De Silva, the author of Lamani
Raja Kulaya (1995) and more recently Nandanapala Cumaranatunga, the author of
Indo- Lanka Ethnic Affinities (2001). Perera even went on to claim that the
Nagas were in Kelaniya in the time of Totagamuve Sri Rahula as evident in the
following stanza from the Selalihini Sandeshaya.
Mana hara na meneviya nidala velipita Gena minivena tat
niyagin meda ruvata Kana heva gayana buduguna gi miyuru kota sena heva kelani
gangabada mada kalaksita
(The pretty Naga damsel on the sandy river bank playing the
gem-studded lute with finger-tips listening to the songs sung in praise of the
Buddha have a respite on the banks of the Kelani river.)
Royal caste Richard De Silva in his book Lamani Raja Kulaya
has sought to show the caste's royal connections. For instance, he has
attempted to show that the Lamkakarnas, a mediaeval Sinhalese dynasty were of
Durava origin. The Sanskritic term Lamba-karna, he points out , literally means
'long-eared' or having 'pendulous ears' and denotes an elephant, probably on
account of its sagging ears. On this basis, he has sought to show that the
Lambakarnas were Duravas whose elephanteering tradition is well known. He also
believes that Durava folk bearing such hereditary names as Kudakanage,
Mahadaliya Manage and Mahanam Radage are of royal origin. Kudakana, he
believes, is Kuta Kanna Tissa (1st century B.C), Mahadaliya Mana is Maha
Dathika Mahanaga (1st century A.D.) and Mahanam Rada, King Mahanama (5th
century A.D.). De Silva has also cited such hereditary names as Kumarage (House
of the Prince) and Kumarapperumage (House of the Prince of princes) to show
that they are of royal stock.
He is also of the view that it was the duty of Durava folk
to bear the royal sword known as the ran kaduva or golden sword as suggested by
hereditary names such as Ran Kaduge (House of the Golden Sword), and to bear
the Ran Kota or golden spear of the King as seen from hereditary names such as
Rankotge (House of the Golden spear). Nandanapala Cumaranatunga, a veteran
journalist and the author of Indo-Lanka Ethnic Affinities, a comprehensive work
on the Durava, has sought to trace the lineage of prominent Durava families to
the Sinhalese royalty of the Kotte and Sitavaka Kingdoms. For instance, he
believes that the Pattamestri and Pattamestri Rajapakse families of Chilaw and
Negombo are descended from Pattamestri Sinhala Kirti Rajapaksa, father of King
Rajasinha 1, and his kinsmen. In like manner, he traces the kinship of the
Kahatudes and Kahatudages to Kiravelle Biso Bandara, Queen of Vijayabahu VI,
whose personal name was Anula Kahatuda.
The Timbiripolage families, he believes to be descendants of
Prince Timbiripola Adahasin, the second son of King Mayadunne. The Tammitage
families, he believes to be connected to Tammita Bandara, brother of King
Vidiya Bandara, the ruler of Rayigama and the father of Don Juan Dharmapala.
The Diogu De Silvage Rajakarunas, Cumaranatunga believes to be descended from
Diogu De Silva Vikramasinha, the Commander-in-chief of Mayadunne. The Barestuge
Abeysinha Gunavardanas, he believes are descended from General Dom Theodosio
Barestu, the powerful Sinhalese rebel leader of Portuguese times who was
appointed Disava of Matara by King Senarat.
Martial tradition The military tradition of the Durava
however seems to have been largely forgotten. There are a good many Durava
hereditary names denoting military occupations. This includes Hevage (House of
the soldier) in such forms as Golu Hevage, Lama Hevage, Mamu Hevage and Punchi
Hevage. Many seem to have distinguished themselves in war and commanded high
offices as seen in names such as Ranavirage (House of the war hero) and
Henanayakage (House of the Commander-in-chief). They also had clans of bards
(Bettage), lance-bearers (Lansage), flag-bearers(Kodikarage), gunners
(Kodituvakkuge) and archers (Dunu Vidi Hevage). Then we have family names with
Vedage (House of the physician), Guruge (House of the teacher) and Hettige
(House of the merchant). There are also to be found family names of a religious
character such as Kovilage (House of the temple), those denoting pastoral
pursuits such as Enderage (House of the herdsman) and those concerned with a
literary tradition such as Liyanage (House of the scribe). Indeed, the Durava
have distinguished themselves as the literati of the Sinhalese due to their excellent
command of the Sinhala language. Among the prominent Durava literary
personalities may be included Munidasa Kumaratunga, founder of the Hela Havula
school and Editor of Subasa, Devaraja Dampasangina, the author of the Dalada
Sirita, Malavara Kavsekara, the composer of the Rabel Asna and the famous
poetess Dona Isabel Cornelia Senaratna Perumal alias Gajaman Nona. How is it
then that the Portuguese designated the Durava as Chandas and labelled them as
'toddy tappers', a designation that has stuck to this day.
Cumaranatunga thinks he has the answer. He contends that the
Duravas took to tapping toddy only because they were the original coconut land
owners of the country. If at all they tapped toddy, it was for their pleasure
and that of their masters who were also Durava folk, he explained. The name
Chandas, he believes, was first introduced by the Portuguese who mistook them
for the Shanars, a palmyra-tapping caste of peninsular India. Cumaranatunga
claims that the coconut plantation from Devundara to Unavatuna planted by King
Agbo 1 was entirely owned by Durava folk from very early times. That the Durava
owned the coastal coconut plantations from Galle to Dondra could be proven by a
study of deeds, he pointed out.
Sunday Observer: Sep 2, 2001
