Friday, September 26, 2014

செம்பி நாட்டு மறவர்களே இலங்கையை ஆண்ட சோழரின் வழியினர்


 கங்கை கொண்ட இராஜேந்திர சோழ தேவரின் 1055- ஆம் ஆண்டில் எழுதபட்ட இராஜேந்திர சோழரின் மெய்கீர்த்தியில் சோழபாண்டியன்,சோழகங்கன்,சோழகேரளன்,சோழ அயோத்திராஜன்,சோழ கனகராஜன்,சோழ கன்னங்குச்சிராஜன்,சோழ வல்லபன் என சோழ மரபினர் பலரை பல்வேறு பகுதிகளில் ஆள நியமித்ததாக மெய்கீர்த்தி கூறுகின்றது.


இலங்கையிலும் தொடர்ந்த இப்பாரம்பர்யத்திலே சோழமரபினருக்கு வன்னிபங்கள் என்ற காடு சூழ்ந்த வவுனிய என்ற மட்டகளப்பு பிரதேசங்களை ஆள  கிடைத்துள்ளன என தோன்றுவதால் சில ஆதாரங்களையும் முன் வைக்கின்றோம்.சோழன் தமிழனே :

சில பொறம்போங்க்குகள் பாண்டியனை தவிர சோழன் தமிழன் அல்ல என கட்டுரைகள் எழுதி வருகின்றனர். அவர்கள் திராவிட மக்களும் சோழனால் ஆந்திராவில் இருந்து பிடித்துவரப்பட்ட  மக்களாகிய இவர்கள் கூறி வருகின்றனர். பாண்டியனுக்கு செந்தமிழோன் தமிழ் பாண்டியன் என்னும் பெயர் உண்டு ஆனால் சோழனுக்கு உண்டா சோழனின் தெலுங்கு சோழன் உண்டு என சப்பை கட்டு காட்டுகின்றனர். அந்நிய நிறுவனங்கள் வால்மார்ட்,கிசான் போன்ற நிறுவனங்கள் தமிழில் பெயர் வைத்தால் அது தமிழர் ஆயிடுமா. தெலுங்கு சோழன் என்பவர்கள் அப்படி சோழரின் பெயரில் ஆந்திராவை ஆண்ட  அந்த மாநில வேலைக்காரர்களே  ஒழிய அவர்கள் சோழர் கிடையாது சோழரின் கல்வெட்டுகளில் பெரும்பான்மை தமிழில் உள்ளது.

அதிலும் ஒரு கல்வெட்டு செந்தமிழ் பீடு இரட்டைபாடி கொண்ட சோழன் என சோழனை தமிழன் என பாடுகிறது சோழனை கோரும் வேறு மொழி பேசும் மக்கள் இனி தெலுங்கு என்னும் வார்த்தை அடைமொழியாய் கொண்ட சோழனை காட்டினாள் உண்டு.

தெலுங்கர் குல காலன்  சோழனான தமிழனின்  வரி  இதோ:

"முடி கொண்ட சுந்தர சோழன் என்னும் செந்தமிழ் பீடிகை இரட்டை பாடி கொண்ட சோழனை தொல்புவியுடைய"





ஈழத்தை ஆண்ட குகன் வன்னியர்களும் ஆரிய சக்கரவர்த்தியும்

கவிராசர் பாடிய கோணேசர் கல்வெட்டினையும், திருமலைக் கோட்டையின் முன்பாக இருக்கும் கற்று}ணிலுள்ள மொழித் தொடர்களையும் அக்கோட்டையிலுள்ள வடமொழிக் கல்வெட்டினையும் ஆதாரமாகக் கொண்டு குளக் கோட்டனாகிய சோழ கங்கன் காலத்திலே திருமலையில் வன்னிமை இருந்தமையை ஆசிரியர் எடுத்துக்காட்டுகின்றார். கங்குவேலிக் கல்வெட்டு, திருமலை வன்னியனாரைக் குறிப்பிடுகின்றது. வெருகல் கல்வெட்டிலிருந்து கயிலை வன்னியனார் கோட்டியாரம்பத்தை ஆண்டமை புலனாகின்றது. பதினான்காம் நு}ற்றாண்டில் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தை ஆண்ட ஆரியச்சக்கரவர்த்திகள் திருகோணமலை வன்னியர் மேல் ஆதிக்கம் செலுத்தியமையையும் பதினைந்தாம் பதினாறாம் நு}ற்றாண்டுகளில் இம் மன்னர்கள் திருமலை வன்னியரோடு திருமணத் தொடர்பு கொண்டமையையும் ஆசிரியர் ஆதாரங்களுடன் நிறுவியுள்ளார்.
அடிகள் என்ற மரியாதைக்குரிய கல்வெட்டு : சில கல்வெட்டுகளில் தமிழ் மன்னர்களும் மக்களும் தன வயதை பொறுத்து அடிகளார்,சிறுவன்,பெரியார் போன்று கல்வெட்டு பொறித்துள்ளனர். அம்பாசமுத்திரம் சுந்தர சோழ பாண்டியன் கல்வெட்டுகளில் "பராந்தகன் மறவநடிகள் மதுராந்தகனான சோழ பாண்டிய மாராயன் " என ஒரு கல்வெட்டு வந்துள்ளது. இதே போல் "மாதவன் மறவடிகள் மதுராந்தகனான சோழ பாண்டிய மகாராயர்" என ஒரு கல்வெட்டும் வந்துள்ளது. அதே ஊரில் வேறொரு இடத்த்தில் கிடைத்த கல்வெட்டுகளில் "வீதி விடங்க வெள்ளாளன் அடிகள் தேவன் இத்தயவர்க்கு" என ஒரு கல்வெட்டு வந்துள்ளது பழுவூர் கல்வெட்டு "அடிகள் பழுவேட்டரையன் கண்டான் மறவனார் பெருந்தேவியார்" என அடிகள் என பழு வேட்டரையன் கல்வெட்டும் வந்துள்ளது



எனவே அடிகள்,சிறுவன்,பெரியார்,கிழவன் என்பது வயது முந்திரிச்சியும் அறிவையும் உணர்த்தும் கல்வெட்டுகளாகும் .

முக்குகர் வன்னிமை

சீர்தங்கு வில்லவரும் பணிக்கனாரும் சிறந்த சட்டிலான் தனஞ்சயன்றான்
கார்தங்கு மாளவன் சங்குபயத்தன கச்சிலாகுடி முற்குகரினமேழேகான்
வார்தங்குகுகன் வாளரசகண்டன் வளர்மாசுகரத்தவன் போர்வீர கண்டன்
பார்தங்கு தண்டவாணமுண்டன் பழமைசெறி

மறவர் குடி:
சங்குபத்தன் குடி, கோப்பிகுடி,கச்சிலாகுடி,சட்டிகுடி,மாளவண்குடி,முண்டன் குடி,முறண்டன் குடி.

மறவரில் முண்டன் குடி,முரண்டங்குடி,கச்சிலாங்குடி,மாளவன் குடி சட்டிகுடி,சங்குபயத்தங்குடி இருக்கும் முற்குகரில் முண்ட வன்னியன் முறண்ட வன்னியன், கிளைகாத்தவன்னியன் என மறவரின் தலைவர்கள் இருப்பார்கள்.


குகன் வன்னியர்கள் என்ற முற்குகர்கள் ஈழத்தை ஆண்ட மறவர்களே.

சேது நாட்டை ஆண்ட சேதுபதியு ஏழு கடல் கரையாளர்களும்:

தமிழகத்தில் நீண்ட நெடிய பாரம்பரிய ஆட்சியைப் புரிந்தவர்கள் இராமநாதபுரம் சேதுபதிகள். இராமபிரான் ராமேஸ்வரத்தில் சேதுவை நிறுவிய காலத்தில் இவர்களை அந்த சேதுவைக் காக்கும் அதிபர்களாக நியமித்ததன் காரணமாகத்தான் இவர்கள் சேதுபதி என்று அழைக்கப்பட்டார்கள்.

மறவர் இனம் ஏழு பிரிவுகளாக இருந்ததில், இவர்கள் அதில் ஒரு பிரிவினர். இவர்கள் மறவர் நாட்டின் அதிபதியாக பலகாலம் விளங்கி வந்தவர்கள். வீரத்துக்கும், விவேகத்துக்கும், பக்திக்கும், தமிழுக்கும், ஆன்மீகத்துக்கும் இவர்கள் ஆற்றியுள்ள பணி அற்புதமானது.
 இப்படிப்பட்ட பெருமைக்குரியவர்களெல்லாம் வாழ்ந்த குலம் ‘சேதுபதிகள்’ குலம்.

http://www.tamilhindu.com/2010/06/truth-behind-john-de-britto-history/
நன்றி:தமிழ் ஹிந்து



 Another supposition places the rise of the family in the second or third century B.C. It rests its case principally upon a state- ment in the Mahawanso, according to which the last of the three Tamil invasions of Ceylon, which took place in the second or third century B.C., was under the leadership of seven chieftains, who are supposed, owing to the silence of the Pandyan records on the subject of South Indian dealings with Ceylon, to have been neither Cheras, Cholas, or Pandyans, but mere local adventurers, whose territorial proximity and marauding ambition had tempted them to the undertaking .... Another supposition places the rise of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. There are two statements of this case, differing according to the source from which they come. According to the one, which has its source in South India, the rise of the family took place in or about 1059 A.D., when Raja Raja, the Chola king, upon his invasion of Ceylon, appointed princes whom he knew to be loyal to himself, and who, according to some, had aided him in his conquest of all Pandya, to act as guardians of the * F. Fawcett, loc, cit. f Madras Journ. Lit. Science, 1890. MARAVAN
Marvan_Nakkan

http://sangam.org/2010/08/Tamil_Struggle_4.php?uid=4040

Kalinga Magha was a prince from the Kingdom of Kalinga which was in 


the Orissa state of modern India. His family was connected to the rulers

 of Ramanathapuram in Tamil Nadu. Kalinga Magha’s relatives of 

Ramanathapuram administered the famous temple of Rameswaram.

சேதுபதியும் ஆரிய சக்கரவர்த்தியும் மறவர்களே

The Maravar’s connections with Jaffna will be examined elsewhere in this study, especially in view of a recent attempt by a Jaffna historian to show that the early colonists of Jaffna were Maravar and that the rulers of Jaffna belonged to the Sethupathy clan of that caste. He has claimed that Vadamaradchi was in former days Vada Maravar Adchi [the domain of north Maravar]; ‘Yazh Kudi-etram’, K.Muthu Kumaraswamippillai, 1982, Chunnakam, Jaffna. Letter of Correspondent M.Raja Joganantham[Colombo 6]: Militarism and Caste [Lanka Guardian, July 15, 1992, p.16] With the reference to the above article in Lanka Guardian (1 July) 1992.

சேதுபதிகளும்ல் ஆரிய சக்கரவர்த்தியும் குளகோட்டன் என்னும் சோழகங்கரின் பரம்பரையினர்.
இவர்கள் இலங்கை ஆண்ட சோழ இனத்தவர்கள்.

சேதுபதிகளும் ஆரியசக்கரவர்த்திகளை போலவே  குக வன்னியர்களும் செம்பி நாட்டு மறவர்களும் சோழரின் வழித்தோன்றல்கள். எப்படி?

ஈழத்தையும் கலிங்கத்தையும் ஆண்ட சோழர்களின் மறக்கபட்ட வரலாறு.

Ref:
http://thevar-mukkulator.blogspot.in/2015/02/blog-post.html

1)சோழபாண்டியன் 2)சோழகங்கன் 3)சோழகேரளன் 4)சோழ அயோத்திராஜன்
5)சோழ கனகராஜன் 6) சோழ கன்னங்குச்சிராஜன் 7)சோழ வல்லபன்

1.மரிக்கார் கிளை = சங்கு பயத்தன் குடி = சோழ பாண்டியன்
2.பிச்சையன் கிளை = சட்டி குடி= சோழ கங்கன் =  சோழ கலிங்க ராஜன்
3.தொண்டமான் கிளை = கச்சிலான் குடி= கத்திரியர்  = சோழ வல்லபன்
4.கட்ரா கிளை = முண்டன் குடி= சோழ கேரளன்  = வில்லவராயர் 
5.கருபுத்திரன் கிளை = மாளவன் குடி= சோழ கன்னங்குச்சியார்  = குச்சிராயர்(மாளவம்=குஜராத்)
6.சீற்றமன்(ஸ்ரீ ராமன்) கிளை = முறண்டன் குடி  = சோழ அயோத்திராஜன்
7.தனிச்சன் கிளை = தனஞ்சயன் குடி= கனகராயர்  = சோழ கனகராஜன்
.

மரிக்கார் கிளை (அ) உலகிப்போடி குலம் (அ) சோழ பாண்டியன்

இவர்கள் முதல் குலம் மற்றும் வன்னிச்சி மன்முனை என்னு உலகிப்போடி குலம் ஆகும்.
இவர்கள் இராஜேந்திர சோழனால் ஒரு காலத்தில்  மதுரையில் அமர்த்த பட்ட சோழ பாண்டியர்கள் ஆவர்.
இவர்கள் செம்பி நாட்டு மறவரில் வரும் மரிக்கார் கிளையினர் என்றும் ஈழத்தில் மறவரில் வரும் சங்கு பயத்தன் குடி என கூறலாம்.

அகளங்கன் என்னும் பெயர் விக்கிரம சோழனுக்கு உண்டு.

சேதுபதி கீர்த்தியில் "செம்பிவளநாடன் பகைமன்னர் சிங்கம் பராசகேசரி அகளங்கன் கருனை பொழிவான்."
புறநானூறு பாடல்,
கரிகாலன் தம்பி மாவளத்தான். மறவர் பெருமான் என்றால் மறவரில் பெரியோர் மகன் என அர்த்தம்.
43. பிறப்பும் சிறப்பும்!
பாடியவர்: தாமப்பல் கண்ணனார்,
பாடப்பட்டோன்: சோழன் நலங்கிள்ளி தம்பி மாவளத்தான்.
திணை : வாகை. துறை: அரசவாகை.
குறிப்பு : புலவரும் அரச குமரனும் வட்டுப் பொருவுழிக் கைகரப்ப, வெகுண்டு, வட்டுக் கொண்டு எறிந்தானைச் , 'சோழன் மகன்
அல்லை' என, நாணியுருந்தானை அவர் பாடியது.
"தன்னகம் புக்க குறுநடைப் புறவின்
தபுதி யஞ்சிச் சீரை புக்க
வரையா ஈகை உரவோன் மருக!
நேரார்க் கடந்த முரண்மிகு திருவின்
தேர்வண் கிள்ளி தம்பி! வார் கோல்,
கொடுமர மறவர் பெரும! கடுமான்
கைவண் தோன்றல்! ஐயம் உடையேன்:"
பொருள்:
புறாவுக்கு சதை ஈன்ற வள்ளல்  குலத்தோன். நல்ல தேர் செலுத்தும் கிள்ளி தம்பி. மறவர் குலத்தின் பெரியோர் மகன். வெற்றி உடையோன். புலிக் குல தோன்றல்.


பிச்சையன் கிளை (அ) சோழ கங்கர் (அ) காலிங்கராயர் 

இது சட்டிலான்  குடி என குறிக்கபெறுகின்றது.இது சோழ கங்கரான  கலிங்க மாகன் பரம்பரையின்  தாய்வழிக்குடியாகும். இந்த சோழ காலிங்கராயர் குடியே முற்குக வன்னியரிலும் மறவரில் உயர்ந்த குடியாகவும் முதன்மையான குடியாகவும் பார்க்க படுகின்றது காரனம் கலிங்கமாகன் குடி இது தான். காலிங்கராயர் என்ற சோழ கங்கர் என்னும் குடி முற்குகரில் காலிங்கா குடி என்றும் செம்பி நாட்டு மறவரில் வரும் பிச்சியயன் கிளை

தொண்டைமான் கிளை (அ) கத்திரியர்= சோழ வல்லபன்:

இது முற்குகரிலும் மறவரிலும் கச்சிலாகுடி என குறிக்க பெறுகின்றது.தொண்டைமான் மன்னனை பெரும்பாணாற்றுபடையில் "மறவர் மறவ தொண்டையோர் மருக" என கூறப்பட்டுள்ளது. மேலும் தொண்டைமான் மகன் என குண்டையங்கோட்டை மறவர் இருவர் கல்வெட்டு இளவேலங்காலில் உள்ளது. தொண்டைமான் பேரரையர் என்னும் பெயரில் மறவர் பற்றிய கல்வெட்டு உள்ளது. இதை விட முக்கியமாக ஆதாரப்பூர்வமான தொண்டைமான் வம்ச  மன்னன் ஒருவன் பற்றிய கல்வெட்டு உள்ளது அதை பற்றி விரைவில் ஒரு கட்டுரையுடுவோம். காரணம் மதுரை சுல்த்தானால் தாக்கபட்ட அந்த தொண்டைமான் மன்னர்கள் இடம் பெயர்ந்து உருவாக்கிய பாளையங்கள் தான் கொல்லங்கொண்டான் வாண்டாயதேவன், சேத்தூர் வணங்காமுடியர்,சிவகிரி வன்னியர்,ஏழாயிரம்பன்னை சிதம்பரனார்,அழகாபுரி இரட்டைகுடையார் இவர்களது பெயரிலும் தொண்டைமான் வம்ச பெயர் இருக்கும் இவர்கள் அனைவரும் ஒரே மன்னனின் வாரிசுகளே. அவர் பற்றி விரைவில் கட்டுரையிடுவோம்.

மேலும் வல்லபன் என்றால் அது தொண்டையோரை குறிக்கும்.

சிறுகுடி வெள்ளாளரின் செப்பு பட்டயம்  கூறும் தொண்டைமான் கீர்த்திகள்:
"ஈழம் திறைகொண்ட இலங்காபுரிக் காவலன்" என்றும், " தாசப்படை வெட்டி இரட்டைச் சங்கு பிடித்தவன்" என்றும், "செட்டி தோள் மீது ஏறும் காட்டாரிராயன்" என்றும், "மதுரையை ஆளும் பாண்டியன், சேர அரசன், சோழனுக்கு வாள் தொழில் பயிற்றுவோன்" என்றும் குறிப்பிட்டுக் கொள்கின்றனர்.

இதில்
1"ஈழம் திறைகொண்ட இலங்காபுரிக் காவலன்":
இது அறந்தாங்கி தொண்டைமான் சேதுபதி மற்றும் ஆரியசக்கரவர்த்திகளுக்கு மட்டுமே உரியது
சேதுபதி செப்புபட்டயம்"
"ஈழமும் கொங்கும் யாழ்பாணமும் கஜவேட்டை கொண்டருளியவன்"
2." தாசப்படை வெட்டி இரட்டைச் சங்கு பிடித்தவன்"
மட்டகளப்பு மறவர் குடி:
சங்குபத்தன் குடி, கோப்பிகுடி,கச்சிலாகுடி,சட்டிகுடி,மாளவண்குடி,முண்டன் குடி,முறண்டன் குடி.
இது  இலங்கை மன்னை வெட்டி சங்கனாக்கி இரட்டை சங்கு பிடித்தவன் என அத்னால் சங்குபயத்தன் குடி என பெயர் எடுத்தவர்கள்
3."செட்டி தோள் மீது ஏறும் காட்டாரிராயன்"
கட்டாரிராயன் என ஈழத்தில் கத்திரியன் என வாளரசு வென்ற மறவர்களான வாள்கோட்டைராயர்களை குறிக்கிறது.இது ஈழத்தில் ஐநூற்றுவர் படையில் உள்ள கொற்றவாளர்,கத்திரியர்,முனைவீரர்,எறிவீரர் இவர்களில் பங்கெடுத்து அதற்க்கு தலைமை தாங்கிய பெருமாளான "ஐநூற்றுவ பேரரையன்". செட்டிமார்களின் காவலன்.
காலம் 13 ஆம்நூற்றாண்டு(கி.பி.1266)
 I.P.S.(346)
மேற்படி தாலுகா விரையாச்சிலை பில்லவனேசர் கோவில் சுவாமி கோவில் தென்புரம் சுவரில்
நம்பி ஐநூற்றுவ பெரியான்
ஸ்வஸ்தி ஸ்ரீ கோச்சடை பன்மரான திரியுவன சக்கரவர்த்தி ஸ்ரீ சுந்தரபாண்டியத்தேவர்......................குடுத்த பரிசாவது..... முன்னால் குலசேகர தேவருக்கு இவ்வூர் மறவன் நம்பியான் ஐநூற்றுவ பெரியான் உள்ளிட்டார் பக்கல் விலை கொண்டு உடையார்............... இவ்வூர் மறவரில் மாலையிட்டான் மக்கள் தற்குரியும்..............................
4."மதுரையை ஆளும் பாண்டியன், சேர அரசன், சோழனுக்கு வாள் தொழில் பயிற்றுவோன்"
தொண்டைமான் தமிழ் மன்னன் என்பதிலிருந்தே சேரனும்,பாண்டியனும் யாராக இருப்பர் என யோசிக்க தேவையில்லை.

கட்றா கிளை (அ) சோழ கேரளன் (அ) வில்லவராஜன் குடி:

இது முற்குகரிலும் மறவரிலும் முண்டன்குடி வில்லவராஜன்குடி என  குறிக்கபெறுகின்றது. வில்லவராயர் குடி என்னும் முற்குகரில் வரும் குடி சேரரின் வில்லவர்களை குறிக்கும் தொடராகும் மேலும் இது கட்றா க் கிளையினர் என குறிக்கபடுகின்றர். மேலும் மறவர்களை சங்க இலக்கியங்களில் வில்லுடைய மறவராக "வில்லேர் வாழ்க்கை விழுத்தொடை மறவர் வில்லிட தொலைந்தோர்" என வில்லவராக " சிலையுடை மறவர் சினந்தோர்  புக்க" என சிலை ஏந்தியவராக குறிக்கபடுகின்றனர்.


கருப்புத்திரன் கிளை (அ) சோழ கன்னங்குச்சிராயர் (அ) மாளவர் குடி:

 இது மறவரிலும் முற்குகர் வன்னியரிலும் மாளவன்குடி செம்பிநாட்டு மறவரில் கருப்புத்திரன் கிளை என குறிக்க பெறுகின்றனர். குச்சி என்றால் அது கூர்சரம் என்னும் குஜராத்தை குறிக்கும். இதற்கு பழைய பெயர் மாளவம். குஜராத் கருமன்  பூமி அதனால் கருப்புத்திம் எனவும் சோழ  பிராதானியான குச்சிராயர் என்பது குஜராத் வேந்தர் என மாளவர் குடியாகும்


சீற்றமன்(ஸ்ரீராமன்) கிளை (அ) சோழ அயோத்திராஜன்:

இது மறவரில் முறண்டன் குடியாகவும் அயோத்திராஜன் குடியாக செம்பி நாட்டு மறவரிலே வரும் சீற்றமன் அது ஸ்ரீராமன் என்பதி திரிபே. எனவே.முற்குகரில் வரும் குடியாக மறவரே அயோத்தி என்னும் பிரிவில் வருவதால் சோழ அயோத்திராஜனாக ஸ்ரீராமன் கிளையாக கூறப்படுகின்றது.

தனஞ்சயன்  கிளை (அ) சோழ கனகராஜன்:

இது மறவரில் கோப்பி குடியாகவும் முற்குகரில் தனஞ்சயன்(அர்ஜூனன்) எனவும் அர்த்தம்.செம்பி நாட்டு மறவரில் தனிச்சன்( தனஞ்சயன்) என்றால் பொன்வென்றோன் என குறிக்கபடுகின்றது. கனகராயர் என்றால் பொன் வென்ற தனஞ்சயன் கிளையாகவும் வருகின்றனர். சோழகனகராஜன் என்பது இந்த கிளையே குறிக்கும்.
சேதுபதிகளும்  செம்பி நாட்டு மறவர்களின் ஏழு கிளைகள் சேது நாட்டை ஆண்டது   போல ஆரியசேகரனும் ஏழு குகன்  வன்னியர்களும் யாழ்பாணத்தையும் மட்டகிளப்பையும் ஆண்டனர். சேதுபதிகளும் ஆரிய சேகரனுக்கும் இந்த ஏழு பிரிவுகளுள் திருமனம் செய்வர். தனஞ்சயர் கிளையில் திருமனம் செய்தால் அந்த வாரிசு கனக ஆரியசக்கரவர்த்தி,கனகசூரிய சேதுபதி என்றும் பிச்சையன் கிளை என்ற சட்டிலான் குடியில் திருமனம் செய்தால் கலிங்க ஆரியசக்கரவர்த்தி,காங்கேய சேதுபதி என  பெயர் பூனுவர்.
சேதுபதிகள் மகள் நீலகேசியை மணந்த வெடியரசன் விஷ்னுபுத்திரன்:
சேதுபதிகளுக்கும் நெடுந்தீவு நயினாத்தீவு முற்குக தேசத்தலைவர் விஷ்னுபுத்திர வெடியரசருக்கும் இடையே மண உறவுகள் இருந்துள்ளது. சேதுபதி மகளை மணந்த வெடியரசன் கதை பற்றிய கோட்டை கொத்தலங்கள் நெடுந்தீவில் காணலாம்.


சேதுபதி மகராஜவின் வழியில் வந்த குளக்கோட்டன்:
குளக்கோட்டன் என்னும் மகாராஜன் சேதுபதி ராசர் பரம்பரையில் வந்தவன் என வெடியரசன் கதை கூறுகிறது.




ஆகவே சோழர்கள் வாரிசுகள் சோழ கங்கரின் பரம்பரையான
 சேதுபதிகளும் ஆரிய சக்கரவர்த்தியுமாகும். எனவே  இவர்களே இராஜேந்திர சோழன் மெய்கீர்த்தி கூறிய சோழர்கள் ஆவர்.

Tuesday, September 23, 2014

மறவர்கள்-எட்கர் தர்ஸ்டன்

CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E., Superintendent, Madras Government Museum ; Correspondant Etranger, Soci6t d'Anthropologie de Paris ; Socio Corrispondante, Societa Romana di Anthropologia.

ASSISTED BY K. RANGACHARI, M.A., of the Madras Government Museum.

.—“The Maravans,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,13 “are found chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly, where they occupy the tracts bordering on the coast from Cape Comorin to the northern limits of the Rāmnād zemindari. The proprietors of that estate, and of the great Sivaganga zemindari, are both of this caste. The Maravars must have been one of the first of the Dravidian tribes that penetrated to the south of the peninsula, and, like the Kallans, they have been but little affected by Brāhmanical influence. There exists among them a picturesque tradition to the effect that, in consequence of their assisting Rāma in his war against the demon Rāvana, that deity gratefully exclaimed in [23]good Tamil Maravēn, or I will never forget, and that they have ever since been called Maravans. But, with more probability, the name may be connected with the word maram, which means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like, as pointing clearly to their unpleasant profession, that of robbing and slaying their neighbours. In former days they were a fierce and turbulent race, famous for their military prowess. At one time they temporarily held possession of the Pāndya kingdom, and, at a later date, their armies gave valuable assistance to Tirumala Nayakkan. They gave the British much trouble at the end of last (eighteenth) century and the beginning of this (nineteenth) century, but they are now much the same as other ryots (cultivators), though perhaps somewhat more bold and lawless. Agamudaiyan and Kallan are returned as sub-divisions by a comparatively large number of persons. Maravan is also found among the sub-divisions of Kallan, and there can be little doubt that there is a very close connection between Kallans, Maravans, and Agamudaiyans.” This connection is dealt with in the article on the Kallans. But I may here quote the following legend relating thereto. “Once upon a time, Rishi Gautama left his house to go abroad on business. Dēvendra, taking advantage of his absence, debauched his wife, and three children were the result. When the Rishi returned, one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus acted like a thief, he was henceforward called Kallan. Another got up a tree, and was therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree, whilst the third brazened it out, and stood his ground, thus earning for himself the name of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This name was corrupted into Ahambadiyan.”14[24]
“Some say the word Maravan is derived from marani, sin; a Maravan being one who commits sin by killing living creatures without feeling pity, and without fear of god.”15
The Maravans claim descent from Guha or Kuha, Rāma’s boatman, who rowed him across to Ceylon. According to the legend, Rāma promised Guha that he would come back at a fixed time. When he failed to return, Guha made a fire, whereon to burn himself to death. Hanumān, however, prevented him from committing suicide, and assured him that Rāma would shortly return. This came to pass, and Rāma, on learning what Guha had done, called him Maravan, a brave or reckless fellow. According to another legend, the god Indra, having become enamoured of Ahalya, set out one night to visit her in the form of a crow, and, seating himself outside the dwelling of the Rishi her husband, cawed loudly. The Rishi believing that it was dawn, went off to bathe, while Indra, assuming the form of her husband, went in to the woman, and satisfied his desire. When her husband reached the river, there were no signs of dawn, and he was much perturbed, but not for long, as his supernatural knowledge revealed to him how he had been beguiled, and he proceeded to curse Indra and his innocent wife. Indra was condemned to have a thousand female organs of generation all over his body, and the woman was turned into a stone. Indra repented, and the Rishi modified his disfigurement by arranging that, to the onlooker, he would seem to be clothed or covered with eyes, and the woman was allowed to resume her feminine form when Rāma, in the course of his wanderings, should tread on her. The [25]result of Indra’s escapade was a son, who was stowed away in a secret place (maravuidam). Hence his descendants are known as Maravan.16
The head of the Maravans is the Sētupati (lord of the bridge), or Rāja of Rāmnād. “The Sethupati line, or Marava dynasty of Rāmnād,” the Rev. J. E. Tracy writes,17 “claims great antiquity. According to popular legendary accounts, it had its rise in the time of the great Rāma himself, who is said to have appointed, on his victorious return from Lanka (Ceylon), seven guardians of the passage or bridge connecting Ceylon with the mainland.... Another supposition places the rise of the family in the second or third century B.C. It rests its case principally upon a statement in the Mahāwanso, according to which the last of the three Tamil invasions of Ceylon, which took place in the second or third century B.C., was under the leadership of seven chieftains, who are supposed, owing to the silence of the Pāndyan records on the subject of South Indian dealings with Ceylon, to have been neither Chēras, Chōlas, or Pāndyans, but mere local adventurers, whose territorial proximity and marauding ambition had tempted them to the undertaking.... Another supposition places the rise of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. There are two statements of this case, differing according to the source from which they come. According to the one, which has its source in South India, the rise of the family took place in or about 1059 A.D., when Rāja Rāja, the Chōla king, upon his invasion of Ceylon, appointed princes whom he knew to be loyal to himself, and who, according to some, had aided him in his conquest of all Pāndya, to act as guardians of the[26]passage by which his armies must cross to and fro, and supplies be received from the mainland. According to the other statement, which has its source in Sinhalese records, the family took its rise from the appointment of Parākrama Bahu’s General Lankapura, who, according to a very trustworthy Sinhalese epitome of the Mahāwanso, after conquering Pandya, remained some time at Ramespuram, building a temple there, and, while on the island, struck kahapanas (coins similar to those of the Sinhalese series). Whichever of those statements we may accept, the facts seem to point to the rise of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D., and inscriptions quoted from Dr. Burgess by Mr. Robert Sewell18 show that grants were made by Sethupati princes in 1414, again in 1489, still again in 1500, and finally as late as 1540. These bring the line down to within two generations of the time when Muttu Krishnappa Nayakka is said, in 1604, to have found affairs sadly disordered in the Marava country, and to have re-established the old family in the person of Sadaiyaka Tēvar Udaiyar Sethupati. The coins of the Sethupatis divide themselves into an earlier and later series. The earlier series present specimens which are usually larger and better executed, and correspond in weight and appearance very nearly to the well-known coins of the Sinhalese series, together with which they are often found, ‘These coins’ Rhys Davids writes,19 ‘are probably, the very ones referred to as having been struck by Parākrama’s General Lankapura.’ The coins of the later series are very rude in device and execution. The one face shows only the Tamil legend of the word Sethupati, while the other side is taken up with various devices.”[27]
A poet, in days of old, refers to “the wrathful and furious Maravar, whose curled beards resemble the twisted horns of the stag, the loud twang of whose powerful bowstrings, and the stirring sound of whose double-headed drums, compel even kings at the head of large armies to turn their back and fly.”20 The Maravans are further described as follows. “Of strong limbs and hardy frames, and fierce looking as tigers, wearing long and curled locks of hair, the blood-thirsty Maravans, armed with the bow bound with leather, ever ready to injure others, shoot their arrows at poor and defenceless travellers, from whom they can steal nothing, only to feast their eyes on the quivering limbs of their victims.”21 In a note on the Maravans of the Tinnevelly district, it is recorded22 that “to this class belonged most of the Poligars, or feudal chieftains, who disputed with the English the possession of Tinnevelly during the last, and first years of the present (nineteenth) century. As feudal chiefs and heads of a numerous class of the population, and one whose characteristics were eminently adapted for the roll of followers of a turbulent chieftain, bold, active, enterprising, cunning and capricious, this class constituted themselves, or were constituted by the peaceful cultivators, their protectors in time of bloodshed and rapine, when no central authority, capable of keeping the peace, existed. Hence arose the systems of Dēsha and Stalum Kāval, or the guard of a tract of country comprising a number of villages against open marauders in armed bands, and the guard of separate villages, their houses and crops, against secret theft. The feudal chief received a contribution from the area around his fort in [28]consideration of protection afforded against armed invasion. The Maravars are chiefly the agricultural servants or sub-tenants of the wealthier ryots, under whom they cultivate, receiving a share of the crop. An increasing proportion of this caste are becoming the ryotwari owners of land by purchase from the original holders.”
Though the Maravans, Mr, Francis writes,23 “are usually cultivators, they are some of them the most expert cattle-lifters in the Presidency. In Madura, they have a particularly ingenious method of removing cattle. The actual thief steals the bullocks at night, and drives them at a gallop for half a dozen miles, hands them over to a confederate, and then returns and establishes an alibi. The confederate takes them on another stage, and does the same. A third and a fourth man keep them moving all that night. The next day they are hidden and rested, and thereafter they are driven by easier stages to the hills north of Madura, where their horns are cut and their brands altered, to prevent them from being recognised. They are then often sold at the great Chittrai cattle fair in Madura town. In some papers read in G.O., No. 535, Judicial, dated 29th March 1899, it was shown that, though, according to the 1891 census, the Maravans formed only 10 per cent. of the population of the district of Tinnevelly, yet they had committed 70 per cent. of the dacoities which have occurred in that district in the previous five years. They have recently (1899) figured prominently in the anti-Shānār riots in the same district.” (See Shānān.)
“The Maravans”, Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes,24 “furnish nearly the whole of the village police (kāvilgars, watchmen), robbers and thieves of the Tinnevelly district. [29]Very often the thief and the watchman are one and the same individual. The Maravans of the present time, of course, retain only a shadow of the power which their ancestors wielded under the poligars, who commenced the kavil system. Still the Marava of to-day, as a member of a caste which is numerous and influential, as a man of superior physique and bold independent spirit, thief and robber, village policeman and detective combined—is an immense power in the land.”
It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1903, that “a large section of the population in Tinnevelly—the Maravans—are criminal by predilection and training. Mr. Longden’s efforts have been directed to the suppression of a bad old custom, by which the police were in the habit of engaging the help of the Maravans themselves in the detection of crime. The natural result was a mass of false evidence and false charges, and, worst of all, a police indebted to the Maravan, who was certain to have his quid pro quo. This method being discountenanced, and the station-house officer being deprived of the aid of his tuppans (men who provide a clue), the former has found himself very much at sea, and, until sounder methods can be inculcated, will fail to show successful results. Still, even a failure to detect is better than a police in the hands of the Maravans.” Further information concerning tuppukuli, or clue hire, will be found in the note on Kallans.
From a very interesting note on the Maravans of the Tinnevelly district, the following extract is taken.25 “On the principle of setting a thief, to catch a thief, Maravars are paid blackmail to keep their hands from picking and stealing, and to make restitution for any thefts that may [30]possibly take place, notwithstanding the vigilance of the watchmen. (A suit has been known to be instituted, in a Munsiff’s Court, for failure to make restitution for theft after receipt of the kudikāval money.) As a matter of fact, no robberies on a large scale can possibly take place without the knowledge, connivance, or actual co-operation of the Kavalgars. People living in country places, remote from towns, are entirely at the mercy of the Maravars, and every householder or occupier of a mud hut, which is dignified by being called a house, must pay the Maravars half a fanam, which is equal to one anna eight pies, yearly. Those who own cattle, and there are few who do not, must pay one fanam a year. At the time of the harvest, it is the custom in Southern India for an enemy to go and reap his antagonist’s crops as they are growing in the fields. He does this to bring matters to a climax, and to get the right side of his enemy, so that he may be forced to come to terms, reasonable or otherwise. Possession is nine points of the law. On occasions such as these, which are frequent, the advantage of the employment of Kavalgars can readily be understood. The Maravars are often true to their salt, though sometimes their services can be obtained by the highest bidder. The plan of keeping kaval, or going the rounds like a policeman on duty, is, for a village of, say, a hundred Maravars, to divide into ten sections. Each section takes a particular duty, and they are paid by the people living within their range. If a robbery takes place, and the value of the property does not exceed ten rupees, then this section of ten men will each subscribe one rupee, and pay up ten rupees. If, however, the property lost exceeds the sum of ten rupees, then all the ten sections of Maravars, the hundred men, will join together, and make restitution for the robbery. How [31]they are able to do this, and to recoup themselves, can be imagined. Various attempts for many years have been made to put a stop to this system of kudi-kaval. At one time the village (Nunguneri) of the chief Maravar was burnt down, and for many years the police have been on their track, and numerous convictions are constantly taking place. Out of 150,000 Maravars in the whole district, 10,000 are professional thieves, and of these 4,000 have been convicted, and are living at the present time. The question arises whether some plan could not be devised to make honest men of these rogues. It has been suggested that their occupation as watchmen should be recognised by Government, and that they should be enlisted as subordinate officials, just as some of them are now employed as Talayaris.... The villages of the Maravars exist side by side with the other castes, and, as boys and girls, all the different classes grow up together, so that there is a bond of sympathy and regard between them all. The Maravans, therefore, are not regarded as marauding thieves by the other classes. Their position in the community as Kavalgars is recognised, and no one actually fears them. From time immemorial it has been the mamool (custom) to pay them certain dues, and, although illegal, who in India is prepared to act contrary to custom? The small sum paid annually by the villagers is insignificant, and no one considers it a hardship to pay it, when he knows that his goods are in safety; and, if the Maravars did not steal, there are plenty of other roving castes (e.g., the Kuluvars, Kuravars, and Kambalatars) who would, so that, on the whole, ordinary unsophisticated natives, who dwell in the country side, rather like the Maravar than otherwise. When, however, these watchmen undertake torchlight [32]dacoities, and attack travellers on the high-road, then they are no better than the professional thieves of other countries, and they deserve as little consideration. It must be borne in mind that, while robbery is the hereditary occupation of the Maravars, there are thousands of them who lead strictly honest, upright lives as husbandmen, and who receive no benefit whatever from the kudi-kaval system. Some of the most noted and earnest Native Christians have been, and still are, men and women of this caste, and the reason seems to be that they never do things by halves. If they are murderers and robbers, nothing daunts them, and, on the other hand, if they are honest men, they are the salt of the earth.” I am informed that, when a Maravan takes food in the house of a stranger, he will sometimes take a pinch of earth, and put it on the food before he commences his meal. This act frees him from the obligation not to injure the family which has entertained him.
In a note entitled Marava jāti vernanam,26 from the Mackenzie Manuscripts, it is recorded that “there are seven sub-divisions in the tribe of the Maravas, respectively denominated Sembunāttu, Agattha, Oru-nāttu, Upukatti, and Kurichikattu. Among these sub-divisions, that of the Sembunāttu Maravas is the principal one.” In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the following are returned as the most important sub-divisions:—Agamudaiyan, Kallan, Kārana, Kondaikatti, Kottāni, Sembanāttu, and Vannikutti, Among the Sembanāttus (or Sembanādus), the following septs or khilais have been recorded:—
  • Marikka.
  • Piccha.
  • Tondamān.
  • Sītrama.
  • Thanicha.
  • Karuputhra.
  • Katrā.
[33]
“The Kondayamkottai Maravars,” Mr. F. Fawcett writes,27 “are divided into six sub-tribes, or, as they call them, trees. Each tree, or kothu, is divided into three khilais or branches. These I call septs. Those of the khilais belonging to the same tree or kothu are never allowed to intermarry. A man or woman must marry with one of a khilai belonging to another tree than his own, his or her own being that of his or her mother, and not of the father. But marriage is not permissible between those of any two trees or kothus: there are some restrictions. For instance, a branch of betel vine or leaves may marry with a branch of cocoanut, but not with areca nuts or dates. I am not positive what all the restrictions are, but restrictions of some kind, by which marriage between persons of all trees may not be made indiscriminately, certainly exist. The names of the trees or kothus and of the khilais or branches, as given to me from the Maraver Pādel, a book considered to be authoritative, are these—
Tree.
Kothu.
Khilai.
Milaku
Pepper vine
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42995/42995-h/images/brace3.png
Viramudithanginan.
Sedhar.
Semanda.
Vettile
Betel vine
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42995/42995-h/images/brace3.png
Agastyar.
Maruvidu.
Alakhiya Pandiyan.
Thennang
Cocoanut
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42995/42995-h/images/brace3.png
Vaniyan.
Vettuvan.
Nataivendar.
Komukham
Areca nut
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42995/42995-h/images/brace3.png
Kelnambhi.
Anbutran.
Gautaman.
Ichang
Dates
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42995/42995-h/images/brace3.png
Sadachi.
Sangaran.
Pichipillai.
Panang
Palmyra
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42995/42995-h/images/brace3.png
Akhili.
Lokhamurti
Jambhuvar.
[34]
“Unfortunately I am unable to trace out the meanings of all these khilais. Agastya and Gautamar are, of course, sages of old. Viramudithanginan seems to mean a king’s crown-bearer. Alakhiya Pandiyan seems to be one of the old Pandiyan kings of Madura (alakhiya means beautiful). Akhili is perhaps intended to mean the wife of Gautama, Lokamurti, the one being of the world, and Jambhuvar, a monkey king with a bear’s face, who lived long, long ago. The common rule regulating marriages among Brāhmans, and indeed people of almost every caste in Southern India, is that the proper husband for the girl is her mother’s brother or his son. But this is not so among the Kondayamkottai Maravars. A girl can never marry her mother’s brother, because they are of the same khilai. On the other hand, the children of a brother and sister may marry, and should do so, if this can be arranged, as, though the brother and sister are of the same khilai, their children are not, because the children of the brother belong perforce to that of their mother, who is of a different khilai. It very often happens that a man marries into his father’s khilai; indeed there seems to be some idea that he should do so if possible. The children of brothers may not marry with each other, although they are of different khilais, for two brothers may not marry into the same khilai. One of the first things to be done in connection with a marriage is that the female relations of the bridegroom must go and examine the intended bride, to test her physical suitability. She should not, as it was explained to me, have a flat foot; the calf of her leg should be slender, not so thick as the thigh; the skin on the throat should not form more than two wrinkles; the hair over the temple should grow [35]crossways. The last is very important.” A curl on the forehead resembling the head of a snake is of evil omen.
In one form of the marriage rites as carried out by the Maravans, the bridegroom’s party proceed, on an auspicious day which has been fixed beforehand, to the home of the bride, taking with them five cocoanuts, five bunches of plantains, five pieces of turmeric, betel, and flowers, and the tāli strung on a thread dyed with turmeric. At the auspicious hour, the bride is seated within the house on a plank, facing east. The bridegroom’s sister removes the string of black beads from her neck, and ties the tāli thereon. While this is being done, the conch-shell is blown, and women indulge in what Mr. Fawcett describes as a shrill kind of keening (kulavi idal). The bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, where they sit side by side on a plank, and the ceremony of warding off the evil eye is performed. Further, milk is poured by people with crossed hands over the heads of the couple. A feast is held, in which meat takes a prominent part. A Maravan, who was asked to describe the marriage ceremony, replied that it consists in killing a sheep or fowl, and the bringing of the bride by the bridegroom’s sister to her brother’s house after the tāli has been tied. The Kondaikatti Maravans, in some places, substitute for the usual golden tāli a token representing “the head of Indra fastened to a bunch of human hair, or silken strings representing his hair.”28
In another form of the marriage ceremony, the father of the bridegroom goes to the bride’s house, [36]accompanied by his relations, with the following articles in a box made of plaited palmyra leaves:—
  • 5 bundles of betel.
  • 21 measures of rice.
  • 7 cocoanuts.
  • 70 plantains.
  • 7 lumps of jaggery (crude sugar).
  • 21 pieces of turmeric.
  • Flowers, sandal paste, etc.
At the bride’s house, these presents are touched by those assembled there, and the box is handed over to the bride’s father. On the wedding day (which is four days afterwards), pongal (cooked rice) is offered to the house god early in the morning. Later in the day, the bridegroom is taken in a palanquin to the house of the bride. Betel is presented to him by her father or brother. The bride generally remains within the house till the time for tying the tāli has arrived. The maternal uncle then blindfolds her with his hand, lifts her up, and carries her to the bridegroom, Four women stand round the contracting couple, and pass round a dish containing a broken cocoanut and a cake three times. The bride and bridegroom then spit into the dish, and the females set up their shrill keening. The maternal uncles join their hands together, and, on receiving the assent of those present, the bridegroom’s sister ties the tāli on the bride’s neck. The tāli consists of a ring attached to a black silk thread. After marriage, the “silk tāli” is, for every day purposes, replaced by golden beads strung on a string, and the tāli used at the wedding is often borrowed for the occasion. The tāli having been tied, the pair are blessed, and, in some places, their knees, shoulders, heads, and backs are touched with a betel leaf dipped in milk, and blessed with the words “May the pair be prosperous, giving rise to leaves like a banyan tree, roots like the thurvi (Cynodon Dactylon) grass, and like the bamboo.” Of [37]the thurvi grass it is said in the Atharwana Vēda “May this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years.”
Still further variants of the marriage ceremonial are described by Mr. Fawcett, in one of which “the Brāhman priest (purōhit) hands the tāli to the bridegroom’s sister, who in turn hands it to the bridegroom, who ties a knot in it. The sister then ties two more knots in it, and puts it round the bride’s neck. After this has been done, and while the pair are still seated, the Brāhman ties together the little fingers of the right hands of the pair, which are interlocked, with a silken thread. The pair then rise, walk thrice round the marriage seat (manavanai), and enter the house, where they sit, and the bridegroom receives present from the bride’s father. The fingers are then untied. While undergoing the ceremony, the bridegroom wears a thread smeared with turmeric tied round the right wrist. It is called kappu.”
In the manuscript already quoted,29 it is noted that “should it so happen, either in the case of wealthy rulers of districts or of poorer common people, that any impediment arises to prevent the complete celebration of the marriage with all attendant ceremonies according to the sacred books and customs of the tribe, then the tāli only is sent, and the female is brought to the house of her husband. At a subsequent period, even after two or three children have been born, the husband sends the usual summons to a marriage of areca nut and betel leaf; and, when the relatives are assembled, the bride [38]and bridegroom are publicly seated in state under the marriage pandal; the want of completeness in the former contract is made up; and, all needful ceremonies being gone through, they perform the public procession through the streets of the town, when they break the cocoanut in the presence of Vignēsvara (Ganēsa), and, according to the means possessed by the parties, the celebration of the marriage is concluded in one day, or prolonged to two, three or four days. The tāli, being tied on, has the name of katu tāli, and the name of the last ceremony is called the removal of the former deficiency. If it so happen that, after the first ceremony, the second be not performed, then the children of such an alliance are lightly regarded among the Maravas. Should the husband die during the continuance of the first relation, and before the second ceremony be performed, then the body of the man, and also the woman are placed upon the same seat, and the ceremonies of the second marriage, according to the customs of the tribe, being gone through, the tāli is taken off; the woman is considered to be a widow, and can marry with some other man.” It is further recorded30 of the Orunāttu Maravans that “the elder or younger sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and, to the sound of the conch-shell, ties on the tāli; and, early on the following morning, brings her to the house of the bridegroom. After some time, occasionally three or four years, when there are indications of offspring, in the fourth or fifth month, the relatives of the pair assemble, and perform the ceremony of removing the deficiency; placing the man and his wife on a seat in public, and having the sacrifice by fire and other matters conducted by the Prōhitan (or Brāhman); [39]after which the relatives sprinkle seshai rice (or rice beaten out without any application of water) over the heads of the pair. The relatives are feasted and otherwise hospitably entertained; and these in return bestow donations on the pair, from one fanam to one pagoda. The marriage is then finished. Sometimes, when money for expenses is wanting, this wedding ceremony is postponed till after the birth of two or three children. If the first husband dies, another marriage is customary. Should it so happen that the husband, after the tying on of the tāli in the first instance, dislikes the object of his former choice, then the people of their tribe are assembled; she is conducted back to her mother’s house; sheep, oxen, eating-plate, with brass cup, jewels, ornaments, and whatever else she may have brought with her from her mother’s house, are returned; and the tāli, which was put on, is broken off and taken away. If the wife dislikes the husband, then the money he paid, the expenses which he incurred in the wedding, the tāli which he caused to be bound on her, are restored to him, and the woman, taking whatsoever she brought with her, returns to her mother’s house, and marries again at her pleasure.”
It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that “a special custom obtaining among the Marava zemindars of Tinnevelly is mentioned by the Registrar of that district. It is the celebration of marriage by means of a proxy for the bridegroom in the shape of a stick, which is sent by the bridegroom, and is set up in the marriage booth in his place. The tāli is tied by some one representative of the bridegroom, and the marriage ceremony then becomes complete.... Widow re-marriage is freely allowed and practiced, except in the Sembunāttu sub-division.” “A widow,” [40]Mr. Fawcett writes, “may marry her deceased husband’s elder brother, but not a younger brother. If she does not like him, she may marry some one else.”
When a girl reaches puberty, news of the event is conveyed by a washerman. On the sixteenth day she comes out of seclusion, bathes, and returns home. At the threshold, her future husband’s sister is standing, and averts the evil eye by waving betel leaves, plantains, cocoanuts, cooked flour paste (puttu), a vessel filled with water, and an iron measure containing rice with a style (ambu) stuck in it. The style is removed by the girl’s prospective sister-in-law, who beats her with it as she enters the house. A feast is held at the expense of the girl’s maternal uncle, who brings a goat, and ties it to a pole at her house.
Both burial and cremation are practiced by the Maravans. The Sembunāttu Maravans of Rāmnād regard the Agamudaiyans as their servants, and the water, with which the corpse is washed, is brought by them. Further, it is an Agamudaiyan, and not the son of the deceased, who carries the fire-pot to the burial-ground. The corpse is carried thither on a bier or palanquin. The grave is dug by an Āndi, never by a Pallan or Paraiyan. Salt, powdered brick, and sacred ashes are placed on the floor thereof and the corpse is placed in it in a sitting posture. The Kondaiyamkottai Maravans of Rāmnād, who are stone and brick masons, burn their dead, and, on their way to the burning-ground, the bearers of the corpse walk over cloths spread on the ground. On the second or third day, lingams are made out of the ashes, or of mud from the grave if the corpse has been buried. To these, as well as to the soul of the deceased, and to the crows, offerings are made. On the sixteenth day, [41]nine kinds of seed-grain are placed over the grave, or the spot where the corpse was burnt. A Pandāram sets up five kalasams (brass vessels), and does pūja (worship). The son of the deceased, who officiated as chief mourner, goes to a Pillayar (Ganēsa) shrine, carrying on his head a pot containing a lighted lamp made of flour. As he draws near the god, a screen is stretched in front thereof. He then takes a few steps backwards, the screen is removed, and he worships the god. He then retires, walking backwards. The flour is distributed among those present. Presents of new cloths are made to the sons and daughters of the deceased. In his account of the Kondaiyamkottai Maravans, Mr. Fawcett gives the following account of the funeral rites. “Sandals having been fastened on the feet, the corpse is carried in a recumbent position, legs first, to the place of cremation. A little rice is placed in the mouth, and the relatives put a little money into a small vessel which is kept beside the chest. The karma karta (chief mourner) walks thrice round the corpse, carrying an earthen vessel filled with water, in which two or three holes are pierced. He allows some water to fall on the corpse, and breaks the pot near the head, which lies to the south. No Brāhman attends this part of the ceremony. When he has broken the pot, the karma karta must not see the corpse again; he goes away at once, and is completely shaved. The barber takes the cash which has been collected, and lights the pyre. When he returns to the house, the karma karta prostrates himself before a lighted lamp; he partakes of no food, except a little grain and boiled pulse and water, boiled with coarse palm sugar and ginger. Next day he goes to the place of cremation, picks up such calcined bones as he finds, and places them in a basket, so that he may some day throw them in [42]water which is considered to be sacred. On the eleventh or twelfth day, some grain is sown in two new earthen vessels which have been broken, and there is continued weeping around these. On the sixteenth day, the young plants, which have sprouted, are removed, and put into water, weeping going on all the while; and, after this has been done, the relatives bathe and enjoy a festive meal, after which the karma karta is seated on a white cloth, and is presented with a new cloth and some money by his father-in-law and other relatives who are present. On the seventeenth day takes place the punyagavachanam or purification, at which the Brāhman priest presides, and the karma karta takes an oil bath. The wood of the pīpal tree (Ficus religiosa) is never used for purposes of cremation.”
Concerning the death ceremonies in the Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. “Before the corpse is removed, the chief mourner and his wife take two balls of cow-dung, in which the barber has mixed various kinds of grain, and stick them on to the wall of the house. These are thrown into water on the eighth day. The ceremonial is called pattam kattugiradu, or investing with the title, and indicates the succession to the dead man’s estate. A rocket is fired when the corpse is taken out of the house. On the sixth day, a pandal (booth) of nāval (Eugenia, Jambolana) leaves is prepared, and offerings are made in it to the manes of the ancestors of the family. It is removed on the eighth day, and the chief mourner puts a turban on, and merry-making and dances are indulged in. There are ordinarily no karumāntaram ceremonies, but they are sometimes performed on the sixteenth day, a Brāhman being called in. On the return home from these ceremonies, each member of the party has to dip his toe [43]into a mortar full of cow-dung water, and the last man has to knock it down.”

Maravars Prepare for Jallikattu bull.

Among some Kondaiyamkottai Maravans, a ceremony called palaya karmāndhiram, or old death ceremony, is performed. Some months after the death of one who has died an unnatural death, the skull is exhumed, and placed beneath a pandal (booth) in an open space near the village. Libations of toddy are indulged in, and the villagers dance wildly round the head. The ceremony lasts over three days, and the final death ceremonies are then performed.
For the following account of the jellikattu or bull-baiting, which is practiced by the Maravans, I am indebted to a note by Mr. J. H. Nelson.31 “This,” he writes, “is a game worthy of a bold and free people, and it is to be regretted that certain Collectors (District Magistrates) should have discouraged it under the idea that it was somewhat dangerous. The jellikattu is conducted in the following manner. On a certain day in the year, large crowds of people, chiefly males, assemble together in the morning in some extensive open space, the dry bed of a river perhaps, or of a tank (pond), and many of them may be seen leading ploughing bullocks, of which the sleek bodies and rather wicked eyes afford clear evidence of the extra diet they have received for some days in anticipation of the great event. The owners of these animals soon begin to brag of their strength and speed, and to challenge all and any to catch and hold them; and in a short time one of the best beasts is selected to open the day’s proceedings. A new cloth is made fast round his horns, to be the prize of his captor, and he is then led [44]out into the midst of the arena by his owner, and there left to himself surrounded by a throng of shouting and excited strangers. Unaccustomed to this sort of treatment, and excited by the gestures of those who have undertaken to catch him, the bullock usually lowers his head at once, and charges wildly into the midst of the crowd, who nimbly run off on either side to make way for him. His speed being much greater than that of the men, he soon overtakes one of his enemies and makes at him to toss him savagely. Upon this the man drops on the sand like a stone, and the bullock, instead of goring him, leaps over his body, and rushes after another. The second man drops in his turn, and is passed like the first; and, after repeating this operation several times, the beast either succeeds in breaking the ring, and galloping off to his village, charging every person he meets on the way, or is at last caught and held by the most vigorous of his pursuers. Strange as it may seem, the bullocks never by any chance toss or gore any one who throws himself down on their approach; and the only danger arises from their accidentally reaching unseen and unheard some one who remains standing. After the first two or three animals have been let loose one after the other, two or three, or even half a dozen are let loose at a time, and the scene quickly becomes most exciting. The crowd sways violently to and fro in various directions in frantic efforts to escape being knocked over; the air is filled with shouts, screams, and laughter; and the bullocks thunder over the plain as fiercely as if blood and slaughter were their sole occupation. In this way perhaps two or three hundred animals are run in the course of a day, and, when all go home towards evening, a few cuts and bruises, borne with the utmost cheerfulness, [45]are the only results of an amusement which requires great courage and agility on the part of the competitors for the prizes—that is for the cloths and other things tied to the bullocks’ horns—and not a little on the part of the mere bystanders. The only time I saw this sport (from a place of safety) I was highly delighted with the entertainment, and no accident occurred to mar my pleasure. One man indeed was slightly wounded in the buttock, but he was quite able to walk, and seemed to be as happy as his friends.”
A further account of the jallikat or jellicut is given in the Gazetteer of the Madura district. “The word jallikattu literally means tying of ornaments. On a day fixed and advertised by beat of drums at the adjacent weekly markets, a number of cattle, to the horns of which cloths and handkerchiefs have been tied, are loosed one after the other, in quick succession, from a large pen or other enclosure, amid a furious tom-tomming and loud shouts from the crowd of assembled spectators. The animals have first to run the gauntlet down a long lane formed of country carts, and then gallop off wildly in every direction. The game consists in endeavouring to capture the cloths tied to their horns. To do this requires fleetness of foot and considerable pluck, and those who are successful are the heroes of the hour. Cuts and bruises are the reward of those who are less skilful, and now and again some of the excited cattle charge into the on-lookers, and send a few of them flying. The sport has been prohibited on more than one occasion. But, seeing that no one need run any risks unless he chooses, existing official opinion inclines to the view that it is a pity to discourage a manly amusement which is not really more dangerous than football, steeple-chasing, or fox-hunting. The keenness [46]of the more virile sections of the community, especially the Kallans (q.v.), in this game is extraordinary, and, in many villages, cattle are bred and reared specially for it. The best jallikats are to be seen in the Kallan country in Tirumangalam, and next come those in Mēlur and Madura taluks.”
“Boomerangs,” Dr. G. Oppert writes,32 “are used by the Maravans and Kallans when hunting deer. The Madras Museum collection contains three (two ivory, one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury. In the arsenal of the Pudukōttai Rāja a stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. Their name in Tamil is valai tade (bent stick).” To Mr. R. Bruce Foote, I am indebted for the following note on the use of the boomerang in the Madura district. “A very favourite weapon of the Madura country is a kind of curved throwing-stick, having a general likeness to the boomerang of the Australian aborigines. I have in my collection two of these Maravar weapons obtained from near Sivaganga. The larger measures 24⅛″ along the outer curve, and the chord of the arc 17⅝″. At the handle end is a rather ovate knob 2¼″ long and 1¼″ in its maximum thickness. The thinnest and smallest part of the weapon is just beyond the knob, and measures 11/16″ in diameter by 1⅛″ in width. From that point onwards its width increases very gradually to the distal end, where it measures 2⅜″ across and is squarely truncated. The lateral diameter is greatest three or four inches before the truncated end, where it measures 1″. My second specimen is a little smaller than the above, and is also rather less curved. Both are made of hard heavy wood, dark reddish brown in colour as seen through the [47]varnish covering the surface. The wood is said to be tamarind root. The workmanship is rather rude. I had an opportunity of seeing these boomerangs in use near Sivaganga in March, 1883. In the morning I came across many parties, small and large, of men and big boys who were out hare-hunting with a few dogs. The parties straggled over the ground, which was sparsely covered with low scrub jungle. And, whenever an unlucky hare started out near to the hunters, it was greeted with a volley of the boomerangs, so strongly and dexterously thrown that poor puss had little chance of escape. I saw several knocked out of time. On making enquiries as to these hunting parties, I was told that they were in observance of a semi-religious duty, in which every Maravar male, not unfitted by age or ill-health, is bound to participate on a particular day in the year. Whether a dexterous Maravar thrower could make his weapon return to him I could not find out. Certainly in none of the throws observed by me was any tendency to a return perceptible. But for simple straight shots these boomerangs answer admirably.”
The Maravans bear Saivite sectarian marks, but also worship various minor deities, among whom are included Kāli, Karuppan, Muthu Karuppan, Periya Karuppan, Mathurai Vīran, Aiyanar, and Mūnuswāmi.
The lobes of the ears of Marava females are very elongated as the result of boring and gradual dilatation during childhood. Mr. (now Sir) F. A. Nicholson, who was some years ago stationed at Ramnād, tells me that the young Maravan princesses used to come and play in his garden, and, as they ran races, hung on to their ears, lest the heavy ornaments should rend asunder the filamentous ear lobes.[48]
It was recorded, in 1902, that a young Maravan, who was a member of the family of the Zemindar of Chokampatti, was the first non-Christian Maravan to pass the B.A. degree examination at the Madras University.
The general title of the Maravans is Tēvan (god), but some style themselves Talaivan (chief), Sērvaikkāran (captain), Karaiyālan (ruler of the coast), or Rāyarvamsam (Rāja’s clan).

Maravar jati Varnam-William Taylor(Mckenzi Manuscript)


















The Way Of The Maravan
Introduction
Maravar (Tamilமறவர்) are one of the oldest social groups to be mentioned by the Sangam Tamil literature. This indicates an association with the Tamil land which is at least 2,000 years old. The writers of the Sangam Age place them in rural settlements withdrawn from cities. Maravar, in Tamil, means a warrior. Maravars are the courageous breed and were involved in the major wars that Tamilnadu witnessed.
Other historians postulate that Maravar is derived from Tamil language term Marutham (called as Thinnai). They originally lived in (See Ancient Tamil country). The name of the city Madurai is also postulated to be derived from Maruthai and honorific title of local Pandya kings.
Current Status
Although a great many of the members are still agriculturalists, many have also progressed up the social ladder as doctors, engineers, entrepreneurs, politicians and civil servants. Large number of people from the community are serving the nation as military men. Large number of people serving the tamilnadu police department.
[edit] The code of suicide by warriors or maravars in ancient tamilnadu
Avippali, Thannai, Verttal, Vallan pakkam, Pun Kilithu Mudiyum Maram and Marakkanchi: the forms of martial suicide and suicidal battle of the warrior as the ultimate expression of his loyalty to his commander. These six forms of martial suicide are defined as described by the works referred to above.
Pulla Vazhkai Vallan Pakkam – the martial attitude of the warrior who goes forth into suicidal battle is mentioned by Tholkappiyam. The other works refer to it as Thannai Verttal. Duarte Barbosa describes the practice among the Nayar (of the Chera kingdom). It was later noticed by British officials as well. It was also prevalent among the Maravar (of the Pandya kingdom) from whom the suicidal Aapathhuthavi bodyguard was selected. Thannai Verttal also refers to the suicide of a warrior on hearing that his king or commander has died (Purapporul Venpa Malai). Punkilithu Mudiyum Maram is the martial act of a warrior who commits suicide by tearing apart his battle wound.
Another form of martial suicide mentioned by all the works except Veera soliyam, is Avippali. Tamil inscriptions speak of it as Navakandam. Inscriptions found in many parts of Tamilnadu provide greater information on the practice. Navakandam is the act of a warrior who slices his own neck to fulfil the vow made to korravai – the Tamil goddess of war – for his commanders’ victory in battle. The Kalingathu Parani(10) – a work which celebrates the victory of the Chola king Kulotunga and his general Thondaman in the battle for Kalinga, describes the practice in detail. “The temple of korravai is decorated with lotus flowers which bloomed when the warriors sliced their own necks”(106); “they slice the base of their necks; the severed heads are given to the goddess”(111); “when the neck is sliced and the head is severed, the headless body jumps with joy for having fulfilled the vow”(113).
The epics of Chilapadikaram (5: 79-86) and Manimekalai (6: 50-51) mention the practice. To ensure the complete severing of the head, the warrior tied his hair to a bamboo bent taut before he cut his neck. Hero stones depicting this practice are found all over Tamil Nadu, and are called Saavan Kallu by locals. The warriors who thus committed suicide were not only deified in hero stones (saavan kallu) and worshipped but their relatives were given lands which were exempted from tax(11).
An area handbook (Tharamangalam) of the Tamilnadu archeology department notes that “the Nava Kandam sculpture which is found widely all over Kongu Nadu (Coimbatore, Salem) is to be seen at the Tharamangalam Kailasanathar kovil also. The people call it Saavan Kallu. “The practice of Nava Kandam existed in Kongu Nadu till the early part of this [i.e., 20th] century.”(12)
A Saavan Kallu at Thenkarai Moolanatha sami Kovil in Madurai, depicting the act of a warrior holding his hair with his left hand and slicing his neck with his right – 14th century – is said to be annually worshipped by the Conjeevaram Mudaliyars.(13) The Conjeevaram Mudaliyars are Kaikolar, a presentday weaving caste which was militarized under the Chola empire and was made into a special military body; there are indications that Kaikolar warriors practiced Nava Kandam(14).
Apart from these codified forms of martial suicide, a method called Vadakkiruththal is mentioned in Tamil heroic poetry. It is the act of a warrior king fasting to death, if some dire dishonour were to come upon him(15). The Tamil teacher, and the Dravidian propagandist, turned the song of the legendary Chera king Irumborai who committed suicide when he was taken captive by his enemies into a compelling theme in Tamil renaissance.
The Avippali form of martial suicide as the ultimate expression of loyalty to one’s commander, is deeply embedded in the Tamil psyche. Senchorru-kadan (the debt of red rice) is a phrase that is widely used today by Tamils as an expression of loyalty. One frequently hears of it in a popular Tamil song. The phrase sands for the ritual of partaking of rice by which Maravar and other Tamil military caste warriors bound themselves to their king or commander to die in suicidal battle for him, or to commit suicide on the day he was slain. Of Avippali, the Puraporul Venba Malai ([verse] 92) says, “thinking of nothing but the red (blood) rice the Maravar give their life as offering in battle.”
The ritual of red or blood rice was described by two Muslim travellers who had visited the Tamil country in the 9th century. “A quantity of cooked rice was spread before the king, and some three or four hundred persons came of their own accord and received each a small quantity of rice from the king’s own hands, after he himself had eaten some. By eating of this rice, they all engage themselvesto burn themselves on the day the king dies or is slain; and they punctually fulfill their promise.”(16) In modern times it has been observed that “when a Maravar takes food in the house of a stranger, he will take a pinch of earth and put it on the food before he commences his meal.”(17) This act freed him from the debt of blood rice.[3]
Some also committed suicide by eating bricks.


Thus, towards the latter part of the 19th century, there were large, disgruntled groups with a military past in the Bengal, Bombay and Madras Presidencies. They felt that the vast field of opportunities opened by the expanding Indian army was being unfairly denied to them. This grievance was further exacerbated by views of the British military leadership which relegated them to a non-martial status as races that were not fit to bear arms; in whom fighting qualities had declined.

The reaction of these groups was marked by a compulsion to emphasise the martial credentials of their cultures. Opposition to British rule which emerged among classes affected by the shift in recruitment toward the ‘martial races’ of North western India took shape into an ideology that asserted a national spirit which exalted military virtues and ideals as the cure for the ills of Indian society under the British yoke. Bal Gangadhar Tilak who emerged as a spokesman for the disfranchised military groups became the ideologue of this nationalist Indian militarism. Stephen Cohen has attempted to define Indian militarism in terms of Indian attitudes towards the British-Indian military structure and recruitment.

“There are two fundamentally different sets of Indian attitudes towards the British-Indian military structure, both of which may legitimately be labelled Indian militarism: modern militarism and traditional militarism…emerged in Bengal and western India and spread to other regions. Modern militarism stressed the value of the military as a national universal solvent; as an expression of the national will and demanded equalitarian recruitment. ‘Traditional militarism’ resulted from regional traditions and the recruiting practices of the British. It was confined to those castes and classes which exercised the use of arms as matter of birth right and was unevenly distributed throughout India…”(14)

At the turn of the [20th] century there were two groups in the Tamil region which had a decidedly militarist and anti-British outlook. (a) the adherents of modern Indian militarism – the terrorists – and their sympathizers. (b) the disfranchised traditional military castes. The dispersion of modern Indian militarism’s basic tenet – that the revival of India’s ‘heroic age’ and its war-like traditions and valus was necessary for national emancipation – invested the heroic past and martial cultures of the disenfranchised traditional Tamil military castes with a nationalist significance and cogence. Modern Tamil militarism – the political idea that military virtues and ideals ‘rooted in Tamil martial traditions’ is essential for national resurgence and emancipation – was enunciated at this specific conjuncture in the school of Tamil renaissance established by Pandithurai Thevar – a noble belonging to the sethupathy clan of the dominant traditional Tamil military caste – the Maravar.

Tamil militarism then, is the effect of inter-related modern and traditional components; the former as nationalist renaissance ideology, the latter as caste culture. Traditional Tamil militarism in the Tamil region as elsewhere in India was confined to a group of castes which considered “the use of arms as matter of birth and right”. The Maravar were, according to the Madras Presidency census report for 1891 “a fierce and turbulent race famous for their military prowess” and were “chiefly found in Madura and Tinnevely where they occupy the tracts bordering in the coast from Cape Comorin to the northern limits of the Ramnad Zemindari.”(15) The Dutch found them to be the traditional soldier caste of Jaffna and availed themselves of their caste services as such (16) – one of the earliest instances of a colonial power making use of a specific military caste in South Asia.

Cohen notes two categories of traditional Indian military castes with different grievances at the turn of the 19th century. (a) “members of classes which were no longer recruited or recruited in small numbers”, (b) “those classes which constituted the army but sought even greater status as commissioned officers.”(17)

The Maravar and their grievances, however belong to a third category. They were a people whom the British attempted to totally demilitarize by depriving them of their traditional status in Tamil society through social, economic and penal measures. This was in direct contrast to the social and economic privileging of such castes and classes in the north, during the same period. They were not only disfranchised but were turned into and classified as a delinquent mass – the subject of a disciplinary and penal discourse – relegated to the fringes of the new social pact which was being established in the Tamil South of the Madras Presidency. The obliteration of their traditions and memory was considered essential to complete the process of demilitarization and pacification of the Tamil region. The martial races theory of recruitment and the subsequent martialization of the north further erased their martial legacy and that of the Tamil South from the military ethnography of the subcontinent.

David Washbrook argues that “the subvention and protection of the north Indian dominant caste communities, and the martialization of their culture, were but two of the many ways in which south Asia paid the price of liberal Britain’s prosperity and progress.”(18) On the other hand the strategy of emasculating and destroying the hegemony of Tamil military caste communities and the demartialization of Tamil culture were two important ways in which the Tamil South paid the price of India’s development as a nation.

The legacy of these strategies in the north and south of the subcontinent, embodied in the structure of the modern Indian army, is central to the emergence of modern Tamil militarism. The gains of this demartialization were consolidated by favouring and encouraging non-military castes in Tamil society which “contrasted favourably with the Maravar”.(19)

The more important of these were the Vellalas, Nadars and Adi Dravidas. The culture and values of the “peace loving” (Madras census, 1871) Vellalas who had “no other calling than the cultivation of the soil” eminently suited the aims of demartialization and suppression of the traditional military castes. In this the British were following local precedents which had been based on the principle that the best way to ensure control and security was to “have none there but cultivators” (21). Thus, under active British patronage the Vellala caste established its dominance, and its culture became representative and hegemonic in Tamil society. The Nadars and Adi Dravidas were considered amenable to conversion. A large section of them had become Anglicans. The recruitment base of the Indian army in the Madras Presidency was constituted strongly in favour of these groups. The Dravidian ideology emerged as the cultural and academic basis for their pro-British politics, led by the newly arisen Vellala elite.

The nascent Dravidian movement was clearly underpinned by the concerns of British administrators and Anglican missionaries (22) in consolidating the social, economic and religious gains of demartialization. This is why the early Dravidian school of Tamil studies and historiography had a strong political compulsion to reject, ignore or play down the dominant role of the traditional military castes in Tamil history and culture, and to assert that Tamil civilization was Vellala civilization. (Maraimalai Atikal, was the chief proponent of this view.)

Thus in the early decades of the twentieth century we find two contending narratives (23) of Tamil national identity – the ideology and caste culture of the anti-British and “turbulent” military castes and the ideology and caste culture of the pro-British and “peace loving” Vellala elite – claiming authentic readings of the Tamilian past and present. The one claiming that the “pure Tamils” were Vellalas. The other claiming that all Tamils are Maravar and that the Tamil nation was distinguished by its ancient martial heritage. How then did Tamil militarism which originally was related to a political and social milieu that was opposed to the Dravidian movement become its dominant feature in the [nineteen] fifties and sixties to the levelof strongly impacting on the Tamil nationalist movement in Sri Lanka’s north and east?

It was related politically to changes that took place in the Dravidian movement and the changes that took place in Maravar – Indian National Congress relations after the [19]30’s. In the Dravidian movement the change was connected mainly with, (a) the rejection of the pro-British elitist leadership of the Justice Party in 1944. (b) the radical change in the attitude towards British rule and imperialism in 1947048 which gave rise to sharp differences within the movement.

Relations between the Indian National Congress and the Maravar began to deteriorate when the moderate Brahmin leadership of the Madras Presidency Congress preferred not to oppose the harsh measures of the British against the Tamil military castes. The contradiction became sharp when Pasumpon Muthuramalinga Thevar the powerful and influential Marava leader, joined the Indian National Army under Subash Chandra Bose and began organizing the Forward Bloc against the Congress in the Tamil region.(24) The antagonism climaxed in a violent caste conflict in 1957. The Congress government arrested Muthuramalinga Thevar in connection with the riot. The DMK which had very little influence in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu at that time made a strategic intervention at this juncture in Maravar affairs. M.Karunanidhi, the only DMK candidate to be elected in the southern parts at that time, was chiefly responsible for co-opting the Maravar into the DMK; and for making the culture of the Tamil military castes a dominant and essential component of Tamilian national identity.

For many years, until he became chief minister, Karunanidhi wrote under the pen-name Maravan. His weekly letter to party cadres was known as Maravan Madal (25) – the Maravan’s epistle. Tamil militarism thus became integral to the Dravidian movement. The secessionist militancy of the DMK in the [nineteen] fifties and early [nineteen] sixties wad dominated by the vocabulary of Tamil militarism. This was the nadir of the Dravidian movement’s impact on Sri Lankan Tamils. DMK branches were organized in many parts of the north, east and the hill country. It was during this period that ayoung student named Kathamuthu Sivanandan from Amirthakazhi, a small village near the Batticaloa town who was studying in Tamil Nadu took part in the militant agitations of the DMK. Karunanidhi described him as “the appropriate weapon for Tamil upheaval.”(26). The student who was later known as Kasi Anandan wrote for a fortnightly called Dhee Mu Ka (DMK) (27) when he came back to Sri Lanka. In it appeared his poem, ‘The Maravar clan’- Maravar kulam (28):

“The Tamil army is a Maravar Army…
the enraged Tamils are a Tiger Army (Pulippadai)…”

These lines of the poem are now part of the history and myths of the Tamil Tigers’ genesis


I— SOURCES OF VIIAYANAGAR HISTORY.
[Price, 4 rtipes 8 annas.\
SOURCES OF VIJAYANAGAR HISTORY
SELECTED AND EDITED EOK THE
UNIVERSITY
BY
S. KRISHNASWAMI AYYANGAR, m.a.,
Professor of Indian History and Archceology and Fellow of the
University of Madras.
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS.
1919. 
https://archive.org/details/sourcesofvijayan00krisrich
அச்சுதராய அப்யுக்தம் சொல்லும் நரச நாயக்கர் மானபூசனன் என்னும் மறவனாகிய பாண்டியனை வீழ்த்தி மதுரையை கைப்பற்றிய செய்தி.

மானபூசனன் மானக்கவசன் இவை யாவும் தென்காசிப்பாண்டியரின் பெயர்கள் மற்றும் கொற்க்கை வேந்தரான பாண்டியர்கள்.

மானபூசனப் பாண்டியன் = மானத்தை அனியாக அனிந்த மறக்குல பாண்டியன்


Achyuta-Raya-abhyudayam begins with his coronation, when
that son was anointed in the Yauva-Rajya (heir apparentcy) at the
same time. This authority may be followed as being the nearest
to Narasa, among the works that describe his early career. After
the affair against the Sultan of Bidar, he is said to have carried on
the campaign against the Telugu country. This was very likely
in the company of Saluva Narasimha against the Gajapati of
Kalinga and the Bahmani Sultan in the north. Then he is said to
have gone to the south against the Chola country. It may be that
in this part of the campaign as well he accompanied his master,
but there are specific achievements ascribed to him in this
campaign which are not mentioned in the various accounts relating
to Saluva Narasimha. He is said to have marched against
Madura, defeated the Chola, perhaps killed a Pandya, who is
called Manabhusha in one, and simply Marava in anotherHe is
then said to have marched northwards to Seringapatam where he
defeated the Heuna, governor or general, at the place, and took
possession of the island, having constructed a bridge, when the
river was in floods, to cross it. He is then said to have marched
westwards from there through a few places which are not identi-
fiable, to Gokarna on the West Coast. His having gone to
Ramesvaram might have been in the company of Saluva Nara-
simha or by himself alone. According to the order of campaigns
set forth in this account he must have been on the banks of the
Godavari in 1475 with his master. It may be then that he marched
southwards in the company of his master. The circumstances
necessitating a campaign against Madura must then have arisen,
and he must have been deputed on that commission.

அச்சுதராய அப்யுகதம்
கூறும் தென்காசி பாண்டியன் மானபூசனன் என்னும் மறவனை பற்றி
"மதுரா மகேசம் மறவாய தத்வம்"


"மானபூசனன்" என்னும் ஐடிலவர்மன் பராக்கிரம பாண்டியனையே இந்த நரசநாயக்கன் வென்றான். "மானபூசன்னை" துரத்திய பிறகு நரசநாயக்கன் மதுரையை உறங்காவில்லிதான் திருமாலிஞ்சோலை வாணாதிராயருக்கு அளித்தான் என சரித்திரம் கூறுகின்றது. இதன் பிறகே மதுரை வாணாதிராயர் வசமானது.(பாண்டிய  நாட்டில் வாணாதிராயர்: தொல்லியல் துறை இயக்குனர் வெ.வேதாச்சலம்.)



எனவே மானபூசன்னன் என்னும் மறவனை வென்றே மதுரையை கைப்பற்றினான் நரசநாயக்கன். எனவே மதுரையை ஆண்டது வாணாதிராயர் அல்ல.


ஆனால் கல்தோன்றி மண்தோன்றாக்காலத்தே வாளோடு முன் தோன்றிய மூத்தக்குடி என்னும் முதுமொழிக்கு ஏற்ப பல அரசுகள் மறவரில் தோன்றின. இருக்கு வேளிர் பல கல்வெட்டு மறவர் என வந்துள்ளது. சேர அரசர் பழுவேட்டரையர், மலையமான் , தொண்டைமான்,விழுப்பேரரையர் இவர்களுடன் வாணர்களும் மறக்குடியினரே. இவர்கள் மறவரில் ஒரு அங்கமே.


Of these Narasimha
was famous for his heroic deeds even from his youth. He
captured the fort of Manava (Manuva ?) Durga from its Muham-
madan ruler and gave it back to him. He laid a bridge across the
Kaveri and captured the town of Seringapatam. He then marched
against Madura and, defeating and killing its Marava ruler in a
battle, captured the place. He then defeated in battle a chief called
Konetiraja who opposed him with his elephant hordes. He made
the city of Vidyaoura his capital. He had three queens who were
called Tippamba, Nagamamba and Obamamba. Of these by his
wife Tippamba he got a son called Vlra-Narasimha, by Naga-
mamba Krishna Raya and by Obamamba, Achyuta Raya.


ACHYUTARAYABHYUDAYAM lOQ
But the Parijatapaharanam dedicated to Krishnaraya says that Narasa killed
the Chola. We cannot say which of the versions is correct.

t The ruler of Madura is according to this account said to have submitted to
Narasa without fighting and to have made him valuable presents. But the copperplates
of his successors and the Achyutarayabhyudayam give a different version. According to
the Achyutarayabhyudayam he captured Madura after killing in battle its Marava ruler.
Again inscriptions say that he captured it from a king called Manabhusha. This Mana-
bhusha has been identified with Arikesari Parakrama Pandya surnamed also as Mana-
bharana and Manakavacha of the Tenkasi Pandyas. The Achyutarayabhyudayam again
says that Narasa defeated a chief called Konetiraja who opposed him with his elephant
hordes. We do not know who this chief was. Konetiraja is perhaps a corruption of the
title Konerinmaikondan which is one of the titles of Perumal Parakrama Pandyadeva
alias Kulasekhara. (Travancore Archaeological Series I, p. 104.) But he succeeded to
power only in SS. 1464 or AD. 1542-3. Therefore the term Konetiraya of the Achyuta-
rayabhyudayam cannot refer to him. There were others that have had the same title
and the present reference might be to one of them. No. 259 of 191 1, in Kumbhakonam,
of AD. 1490-I, refers to a Konetiraja of Kanch I



Since the campaign of Kumara Kampana, Madura seems to 
have been at least nominally under the empire. The two famous 
brothers Lakkanna and Madanna were respectively governors of 
Madura and the Chola country under Dgva Raya II. The former 



10 SOURCES OF VIJAYANAGAR HISTORY 

had for his sphere of office ' the Lordship of the Southern Ocean * 
along with the governorship of Madura when he was promoted 
from the middle division, Deva Raya's brother-in-law Saluva 
Tippa taking his place there. What happened in the Pandya 
country after Lakkanna left Madura to go to headquarters is not 
quite clear. There are inscriptions of a few chieftains whose 
titles were Vanadi Rayar and their inscriptions range from A.D. 
1453 to 1476 or thereabouts. In all likelihood the province of 
Madura was organized by Lakkanna, and these Bana chieftains 
whose original homes should have been in the North Afcot district 
were put in charge of various localities as sub-governors under 
him. They perhaps attempted to make themselves indepen- 
dent when the troubles in the empire assumed great dimensions 
under Virupaksha. It may be something like this that called for 
the active intervention of the imperial general Narasa Nayaka. 
There is another alternative possible ; it may be that the Pandyas, 
who had practically retired into the Tinnevelly district by now, 
attempted to regain their former position in the Madura district. 
This would account for the defeat of the Pandya king Manabhusha 
as some of the inscriptions state. We have a Manabharana among 
the Pandyans whose descendants were associated with Tenkasi, 
a city founded by one of them. What provision he made for carry- 
ing on the administration of Madura after he left, we have no 
means of knowing. But obviously there was no trouble in that 
frontier till we come to late in the reign of Krishnadeva Raya.